A Democratic Solution for Iran

The obvious lack of an Iranian democratic movement has permitted the Islamic Republic of Iran (IRI) to further oppress Iranian citizens. A great majority of people have turned against the IRI, but are not morally and politically organised to defend themselves. Unfortunately, the worst-ever conditions of people under the IRI have not enough stimulated a serious debate among all Iranian democrats on how to form such a national movement to protect people and the future of our country against the plague of the IRI.

Although, all opposition groups are not in harmony with each other, it is however the people’s ideal that all the democratic opposition groups be united within one goal of a achieving a secular and democratic new state in Iran. However, an extensive Iranian democratic movement is still presumptuous; such a movement remains a big aspiration of all freedom-loving Iranians.

An Iranian democratic movement must be demanded, discussed, and hopefully formed by all Iranian democrats. It must be, preferably formed abroad, for the guarantee of its security and activities, by all freedom-loving people abroad. The movement will extend from outside its effective freedom-activities inside the country.

Such a movement should simply use all experiences of all peoples of the entire world in their struggles for freedom and independence. It should realistically use all tactical methods and independently receive all international assistance in order to open the way for freedom and independence in Iran. Its political platform consists of a democratically elected new state in Iran, in which all political authorities will be directly elected by people. Such a movement must be honest, open, solid and trustful to people; it cannot bargain the interests of Iranian people by involving into whims of key powers and their international agenda.

An Iranian democratic movement cannot consider our society as a lab of another Islamic or ideological experiment. Such a movement should be the fruit of Iranian people’s struggles for freedom and self-rehabilitation; it will not bow to any other symbol of submission.

An Iranian democratic movement should immediately present its programmes after the fall of the IRI, namely how to prepare the conditions for unconditional democracy, social justice, gender equality, development of national economy, rehabilitation of an Iranian identity, culture and art, negation of Islam as state religion, elimination of all religious institutions, removal of all religious aspects from education, judiciary and social life, and of course many other measures to free the country from the long plague of backwardness.

Any regime after the IRI is expected to bring all criminals of the IRI and their collaborators before an international court for their crimes against humanity. However, an democratic movement should not ignore the fact that the essence of such a process is not the individual punishment but the rehabilitation of Iranian dignity, the process should internationally announce that no Iranian woman is half that of a man that no Iranian can be punished for his political or religious belief that no dungeons, torture, and political prison can be anymore tolerated that no amputation, stoning, lashing, or human humiliation will ever be permitted. By condemning the current political system of medieval belief, such a process will mainly symbolise a return of our country to the civilised world and a lesson to our history.

The US are traditionally more interested in the economic gains and do not seem to realise that political Islam threatens the whole international community. The West still ignores that their barrels of Iranian oil cost many lives in the hands of Islamists’ squad deaths. Despite the US rhetoric of regime change, their policies towards the IRI can be reduced to some reforms within the regime. An Iranian democratic movement should not rely on them or any other foreign agenda.

The US policy towards the IRI is not based on the facts that the IRI is “trampling democracy and human rights”, supporting terrorism, stirring sectarian conflicts in Iraq” and etc, all these accusations are true of Saudi Arabia, Pakistan and many other allies of the US. So, all evidence points that the West defends their interests in any price. They have already found compromises with any totalitarian regime in the past. For the matter of fact, if today the bellicose IRI refuses to enrich uranium for its nuclear programme, in such a case for the US, this “regime change” will not be necessary. The US will look for the strategy of their regional agenda, with or without the IRI.

In the highest probability, their “regime change” for the US can mean a takeover of another IRI’s faction. They may have or may find new allies within the IRI for such a change à la military coups of Muslim generals in Pakistan, or an Iraqi model of a Shiite-based government.

This “regime change” does not automatically share the same interests with Iranians; a “regime change” for the West, can be in its ideal level, a government change, but on the contrary for the Iranian interests and consequently for an Iranian democratic movement means a change of system, a reject of the momentous IRI entirely. What practically concerns an Iranian democratic movement; the present conflicts of the West with the IRI can be intelligently and tactically used but not strategically followed because Iranians want only a new democratic and secular regime without any bargain.

In some critical conditions, and under pressure of a chain of crises, the ruling IRI can be divided into several cliques and factions. The ruling apparatus may even seek for handles with inner or outer interlocutors. A democratic movement should avoid fulfilling any tactical solutions of the IRI.

The fact that a nuclear Iranian regime will have greater bargaining power to use as a lever to intensify its dictatorship must be recognised; therefore an Iranian democratic movement should take part in any international campaign against the IRI’s nuclear ambitions. However, it should not be forgotten that the greatest danger is not the regime’s nuclear programme but its existence itself. While the world can easily confront direct military threats of the IRI, Iranians cannot easily defend themselves against the threats of the IRI’s atrocities. Therefore, an Iranian democratic movement, beside of condemning the jihadi strategy of IRI’s nuclear programme, should always put the priority on the question of defending the basic rights of people against IRI’s atrocities.

The nuclear conflict is intentionally propagated by the IRI to mask its totalitarian characters from the centre of dialogue; it is a chance for the regime to associate its parasitic existence with the right of having a nuclear programme for the nation. Honestly considered, the IRI cannot legally be forced to give up the right of nuclear programme; the country is expressly allowed as a signatory to the Non-Proliferation Treaty. This also included enrichment of uranium. So, it is unfair to reduce the whole controversial legitimacy of the IRI to one single problem of atom. While in the nuclear dispute, both the IRI and the US are adding fuel to the flames and making all nonsense of assertions to attempt a dangerous escalation of conflict, for Iranians the problem is the existence of the IRI itself with or without this conflict. Therefore, an Iranian democratic movement must highlight the question of legitimacy of the IRI on any occasion.

The IRI is a totalitarian regime with dangerous jihadi capacity, nuclear technology in the hands of Islamists means a new weapon for jihadis. Therefore from this point of view, no stone must be left unturned in the international attempt to prevent a nuclear arsenal from being built by the IRI. Nevertheless, there are no military solutions, an attack on Iran, to the problem. Economic sanctions, too, are highly immoral and counterproductive and even develop the current Mullahs’ mafia in Iran.

The IRI must be internationally isolated, all diplomatic, cultural and sport contacts must be suspended. All foreign accounts of IRI’s officials must be frozen. Their mafia activities in the Persian Gulf and around Iran must be internationally under controlled. International mandates must be issued against IRI’s officials for their crimes against humanity. There are many other sanctions that can be proposed on IRI’s officials, but neither military nor economic sanctions must be accepted by an Iranian democratic movement.

An Iranian democratic movement, after its formation, must propose the UN and the Council of Europe to approve a resolution, which puts the IRI and the political Islam on an equal status of fascist, racist, misogynous and criminal organisation. Such a resolution is not either beyond the legal competency of these organisations nor the judicial facts. This is an active contribution to elaborating a charter of principles for an IRI’s isolation. Meanwhile such an Iranian democratic movement must try to represent Iranian people in the UN as the only legitimate representation of Iranian people.

The formation of an Iranian democratic movement is a necessary and immediate demand of all freedom-loving Iranians around the world. Although, a common platform acceptable to all opposition groups is practically difficult, but at least such a movement must respond to the following four major aspirations of most Iranian people:

-Organising and leading Iranian people’s struggles to sweep away the IRI and all its Islamic relics, institutions, and suppressive organs.

-Forming a temporary government to organise a constitutional assembly for a new constitution. The new constitution is only legal when it is approved by the majority of people in a referendum supervised by the international inspectors.

-Preparing the conditions as short as possible for a democratically elected parliament and government based on the right that people can elect and dismiss all key authorities.

- Transferring the power to the hands of that new government without monopolising or influencing the political apparatus.

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