Has the Supreme Leader Ever Been Challenged? part 1

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The Supreme Leadership in the Islamic Republic Regime: Why & How!

The infrastructure in place, in the IR system, for selecting the Supreme Leader was only fully ‎implemented after the death of Khomeini with the purpose to safely sustain the regime during ‎Supreme Leader transitions. Two councils which have the duty to “approve” and “counsel” the ‎Supreme leader were only established after Khamenei. These councils technically have the power to ‎impeach the Supreme Leader, however this is impossible for all practical purposes. ‎
1) Those who have made it to the top of this pyramid and have a position on these ‎councils, have been filtered enough to never pose such a threat. ‎
2) Should they somehow get that far in the system and change their mind, their life ‎is literally in danger.‎
3) The SL, himself, has the power to appoint members to these councils. Clearly, it ‎is not in his interest to appoint members who will oppose him.‎

Who dare speak against the king?

The closest semblance of a threat to the Supreme Leadership’s (Khameneie’s) power in the recent ‎decade, came during the last presidential elections (2005) between Ayatollah Rafsanjani and ‎Ahamadinejad. ‎In the fiasco those elections were, Ayatollah Ali-Akbar Hashemi Rafsanjani pioneered public dissent , of sorts but it was dissent anyhow, against the Supreme Leadership by a high-cleric who was himself born and fed by the Regime (!).

(1989-1997)
As a short introduction, Rafsanjani served as president of the Islamic Republic from 1989-1997. He was ‎president during the hardest times Iranians experienced after the revolution. Rebuilding the nation ‎after it went through a revolution and a war was a daunting task. Rafsanjani’s economic policies and ‎proposals are actually noteworthy. At the time, he may have been the only and the best candidate the ‎regime would approve to do the job. (Economists, such as Isfahani, as well as news media acknowledge ‎this.)

As far as civil rights and political repression is concerned, Rafsanjani upheld the ideals of the ‎Revolution quite well—unfortunately. He and his family also made corrupt economic transactions and ‎investments. The Rafsanjani family today is one of the wealthiest families in Iran. It is worth ‎mentioning that, of all the thieving characters this regime has seen, credit should be given to the Rafsanjanis ‎because they seem to be one of the few who do actually invest in Iran. Their investments do maintain ‎and better the lives of citizens and do complement to urbanization projects throughout Iran.

Again, I ‎am not advocating Rafsanjani’s sainthood, nor am I turning a blind eye to his faults/disservice … ‎However, the case still stands that Rafsanjani seems to be the most influential regime authority with ‎the greatest leverage who has, and most certainly, can rise in some sort of dissent while keeping his ‎life safe.‎

(2005 Elections)

Rafsanjani had an obvious lead in the first round of elections. At this time, he repeatedly emphasized, ‎via his press conferences, the close relationship he had with Khomeini in the 70s. He would use this as ‎a justification for his new policy proposals–some of which seemed to question Revolutionary Ideals ‎greatly. Rafsanjani who, in my opinion, is quite the deft politician wanted to completely steer the IR ‎ship towards another direction; this was something that would call for stepping far and beyond the ‎duties (and limits) of a President in this regime. This is also what makes Rafsanjani a pragmatist. He is more pragmatic than he is ideological.

The unexpected nullification of Rafsanjani’s win and ‎call for a re-vote by the Supreme Leadership (SL) in 2005 is justified by some as a defensive move on ‎the Leadership’s behalf. They felt threatened by Rafsanjani. Rafsanjani’s response to SL was instant. ‎His response was a first of its kind in the history of the Islamic Revolution. He publicly questioned not ‎only the SL’s, Khamenei’s, actions re: the election, but he also [dared] question Khamenei’s ‎appointment and legitimacy for the position he holds. This was groundbreaking as far as public ‎discourse of IR officials is concerned.

Rafsanjani repeatedly mentioned that he was in fact more ‎intimate with the deceased Leader Khomeini, than Khamenie was–which is a fact. Relative to ‎Rafsanjani, Khamenei not only lacked in political activism history, he was also not as well read as ‎ayatollah’s usually are. His appointment was made in haste. In the end of the 2005 fiasco, Rafsanjani ‎was appointed a chair position in the Assembly of Experts. This appointment looks more like an ‎attempt to appease, if not set a gag-order, on the rising rebel cleric! ‎

Come back for Part 2 Rafsanjani in the 2009 Presidential Elections