While this subject is worthy of much scholarly debate and has been since 9-11, we as a global community need to ask ourselves the fundamental questions. How can we successfully fight terrorism without so much collateral damage? Collateral damage in this sense refers to civilian loss of life. I am not going to enter into a debate about privacy or the hijacking of religious themes. The simple matter of the fact is that the current conflict in that part of the world claims the lives of many innocent people. I would like to propose we focus on non-violent means to answer the infringement of terrorists on the lives of the everyday person in “AFPAK”.

One alternative to fighting terrorism is simply empowering people economically. The US military has recently seen evidence to support the fact that Afghans would rather raise livestock and traditional crops as opposed to opium. The only reason they continue to grow the problematic plant is that the Taliban pay to do so. So, in short, instead of dropping bombs and leveling villages in an attempt to kill high value targets, why not parachute a box of male and female goats into a village? Why not let chickens drop from the sky? Imagine the scene if villagers came upon a ready and of age flock of chickens and roosters, goats, and livestock. There would be an immediate appreciation and a simultaneous impulse to protect and defend ones livelihood. In this part of the world, the most important bargaining chip is that which you can do and show for. Forget the far off notions of democracy and freedom. The people need food and a means of empowerment before any sort of political system. First, address the most basic of needs, then move to the next step. At the same time, give the people a reason to trust the occupiers. Presently, American troops and their Afghan partners are promising security and prosperity on the condition of cooperation. In reality the average Afghan doesn’t give a hoot about what goes on in Kabul. They care about the village and tribe. So, to answer this dilemma, fill a gap the Taliban cant–give them chickens and goats to raise and sell.

While this may sound funny and out of place in light of much more articulate descriptions of the current problems, I would like to humbly remind the reader of an acronym I learned recently. KISS. Keep It Simple Stupid. We have PhDs and generals losing sleep overnight about how to fight the insurgency. Could it be the reality of the matter is not about terrorists and AK-47s, but simply about alternatives and finding something else to do with ones time? People are more inclined to avoid subversive behavior, of any sort for that matter, if they are engaged in something productive and fruitful. At present, the average Afghan is jobless, poor and without much alternative. This leads to desperation and poverty and in some cases seeking sustenance via any alternative…aka shooting a weapon.

I think my point has been made and I will leave it at that.

The Iranian government is a unique organization among the club of nations. It has a complicated flow chart of authority in its chain of command and its ultimate arbiter is a religious figure (Keddie 2006). Since its inception in 1979, it has experimented and tried several ways of improving itself. While having a president, a prime minister, a supreme ruler and several other powerful figures of authority may seem confusing to the outside world, it is particularly frustrating for those who must interact with such a bureaucracy (Ganji 2008).

International organizations, other governments, domestic bodies and individuals all have reported strange and contradictory accounts of the Islamic Republic and their dealings with it. This discussion will focus on how this body has dealt with the nuclear issue and human rights.

We will examine the security apparatus that enforces the will of the clerics, and ultimately compare and contrast the options available both to the Iranians, and to the outside world concerning its future role on the international stage (Nasr 2006).

The Iranian revolution was a reaction to decades of perceived interference and meddling in Iranian affairs on the part of the US government and other countries (Keddie 2006). The Shah of Iran was a strong ally of the US and exercised much of his authority pursuing mutual and not so mutual interests. The poor and uneducated suffered due to some of his economic policies and the religious class routinely lambasted him, deepening a divide between western influenced intellectuals who were in charge at the time, and the middle and lower classes (Chubin and Zabih 1974).

Powerful figures emerged that acted as the prime voice of the opposition and despite the Shah’s attempt to silence them, they gradually gained momentum and unyielding popular support. SAVAK, the Shah’s secret police trained by the CIA and the Mossad, was notorious in their work (Keddie 2006). Torture, crushing dissent, propaganda and a host of other black operations began in their office. In the run up to the revolution, they were very busy. When the Shah finally left the country, the organization’s headquarters was ransacked and gutted. The lead individuals were executed and the people who worked in the organization on a day-to-day basis had a choice to make–switch sides or flee (Parsi 2008).

In the wake of the Islamic revolution, fledgling cleric administrators recognized the need to have a security organization that was able to collect intelligence and track down opponents of the regime (Kairouz 2007). Around 1980 up until 1982, various organizations were gather intelligence and their semi-official status frustrated centralized efforts to organize and carry out serious operations. The Basij, a militia style volunteer force, the Revolutionary Guard, the re-organized Army, and various institutional bodies gave up certain roles and reestablished the VEVAK—a successor to SAVAK (Wehrey and al 2009).

The acronym translates from vazirat etelat va aminat keshvar to the Ministry of Information and State Security. The security role is not confined to this particular organization. As with all things in the Islamic Republic, redundancy is the only constant. The Revolutionary Guard is designed and controlled specifically to enforce the will of the Supreme Leader, Ayatollah Ali Khamenei. It has its own Army, Air Force, Navy, and Special Force. On top of this organization are the actual armed forces, controlled by a joint command (Wehrey and al 2009).

The organizational logic eludes the conventional views of authority, the system that has emerged is inherently flawed, and not a representation of the peoples will (Chubin, Hoffman, and Rosenau 2004).

The entire system is based on the valiat-faqi, or rule by jurists, principle. Essentially it means the clerics, also known as mullahs, control the real power in Iran. This was the defining principle of the Islamic revolution and the one that Ayatollah Khomeni, the father of the revolution built his philosophy on (Nasr 2006). The reasoning behind this political preference is that it takes the traditional clergy of the Shia Muslims, and makes them the government.

Islamic law, the Shia form of it, has theoretically ‘adapted’ to modern days and its practitioners, the clergy, have institutionalized the religious laws over the entire population, Muslim or not. The inevitable outcome is that the law is often incompatible and ill-suited for day to day grievances and normal people are now caught in the quagmire of protesting a ‘divine’ system, or simply taking the injustice that filters out in the form of family, inheritance, and criminal law (Keddie 2006).

Indeed, Islam is the religion of over ninety percent of the people however, strong and united minorities exist in Iran that have a cultured history (Sanasarian 2000). To name a few, the Sunni Muslims, Jews, Christians, Sufis, Baha’is, Zoroastrians make up the religious minorities; Arabs, Kurds, Baluchis and other ethnic groups comprise an interesting mix of cultural diversity. The Islamic system thought up by the mullahs has little room for anything but Shia Islam.

Although the constitution of Iran recognizes some groups, it does not recognize all. These people live in limbo and cannot rely on the system that has governed their country for the last thirty years. Despite international pressure and Iran’s lip service to the UN resolutions on human rights, the Islamic republic is one of the most habitual violators among the general assembly (Chubin 2006).
Domestically and among the ruling clerics, this is of little consequence as their reasoning puts them above the laws of men. God is the ultimate authority, the clerics determine how, and what laws should be enforced (Nasr 2006). What has developed is a religious theocracy with little in the form of checks and balances, wielding an enormous amount of power and force over a population that is growing increasingly uneasy with the constant micromanagement of day-to-day living (Keddie 1995).

Freedom is a western ruse. Piety and devotion to Islam are the characteristics that the system rewards, and even then, it has to be the correct form of Islam. In the courts, ‘spreading corruption on earth’, ‘insulting Islamic institutions’, ‘deviation’ and ‘acting as a tempter’ all are common charges against people who voice their concerns against the government (Sanasarian 2000).

The intelligence apparatus, once tasked with quelling the dissenters against the Shah, has been reorganized to deal with those who would threaten the Islamic system (Wehrey and al 2009).

Most of the same people still worked in the organizations after the revolution and now it is manned by groomed protégés. Methods and techniques have only evolved but the mentality is sadly very dangerous (Parsi 2008).

Expatriate Iranians who fled the country in the wake of the revolution report harassment and intimidation when visiting friends and family, even thirty years later. Reports of hotel room tossing, being followed in cars, masked men abducting and then releasing people are common for those who make it known that the government of Iran is dangerous or who come under the slightest suspicion.

With all regimes that come to power through revolution, the modern world has made their actions headline news in real-time. This reality has changed the dynamic of the revolutionary game. On a more practical level, the government is not as bad as regimes in different parts of the World. The Iranian theocracy is truly in a category of its own.

While not as repressive as North Korea or as fanatic as Saudi Arabia, their own people increasingly portray its officials as incompetent and corrupt (Nasr 2009). The image of a high-ranking cleric caught on camera entering a house of a colleague and having intercourse with his wife does not help the image the mullahs have been trying to keep down.

Bearded men in robes preaching about morality who are then seen drinking and fondling boys has become a flash point not just in Iran, but across the World.

In all fairness, the Iranian government is not entirely bent on fundamentalism. It has progressive streaks that deserve attention. It has the highest female literacy rate in the Middle East. It has interesting social welfare programs such as subsidizing sex change operations and needle exchanges for addicts (Keddie 2006).

Its nuclear program has come a long way since the Shah of Iran began developing the expertise back in the sixties. This last point about the nuclear issue deserves more attention.

On the surface most people have heard about the Iranian governments desire to master the centrifuge process in order to pursue peaceful nuclear development. The facts are interesting. Iran is the world’s 5th largest exporter of oil. Its nuclear ambitions have been declared peaceful and the Supreme Leader has declared having nuclear weapons to be a sin (Chubin 2006). Iranian VEVAK has been caught and documented trafficking nuclear supplies from China and India and most notably Pakistan with the help of AQ Khan, a renowned nuclear scientist with expertise in weapons. Intelligence has indicated that there have been efforts to specifically develop nuclear weapons. Iran has used chemical weapons and its enemies, the US and Israel, both have nuclear and chemical weapons (Nasr).

Iran says it needs to develop nuclear technology in order to satisfy its power demands and it would like to move away from fossil fuels. Each of these tidbits can be argued by books of evidence, for or against the case that Iran sincerely desires a nuclear weapon (Keddie 2006).

Briefly, a devil’s advocate approach may let us see this in a different light. Intelligence can be fabricated, as was the case in Iraq. For the Supreme Leader to declare nuclear weapons a sin is a strong statement in a theocracy. Iran has been forced to work in the black markets due to sanctions. Nuclear energy is cleaner, cheaper and a smart move in today’s greener and more ecologically minded international community. AQ Khan did not give Iran a weapon, simply directions on general enrichment. The supplies that have been traced back to smugglers have been things that could go as much toward a civilian pursuit as a weapons one.
The will to have an open and frank dialog has been present for the last few years and round after round of security council resolution and IAEA inspection has produced mixed results (Kairouz 2007).

The Iranian public has invested deeply into the concept that it is their inalienable right to pursue civilian nuclear projects. It has become a point of great pride for many Iranians that their country has developed such technology. The Middle East has been the one place where many people have tried to keep anything nuclear from showing its face (Chubin 2006). With all the oil, who needs nuclear power—so goes the reasoning.

The reality of the situation is not about nukes. For the Iranians it is about pride and a country trying to find itself on the world stage. In the region, Iran has become a strong player and its influence reaches to every corner of the Middle East. It has strong trading relations with Germany and France. Its partners to the East include China and Russia. It is diametrically opposed to most things that the US pursues diplomatically and it has a strong group of nations that it negotiates with to follow suit (Nasr 2009).
The Iranian representation at the UN boasts of its status as one of the founding signatories of the convening treaty. It has sat on the Human Rights council and chaired various international organizations that promote dialog and understand among different religions. These various positions appear to be the legitimate position of a country that wants to be taken seriously in front of the International community (Ganji 2008).

Herein lays the crux of the Iranian dilemma. How does a country that goes about participating in various international organizations and demands respect to the point of belligerence simultaneously carry on with overt disdain for Israel, minorities, the US, most of the western world and all it stands for? The distance and disconnect between the ruling elite in Iran and the people on the street is very visible. As much as the regime tries to contain dissent and ‘deviation’, the world is no longer the 12th century and people will do what they want.

With Iran’s large Jewish population and over 300,000 Baha’is, a minority that is not recognized and routinely persecuted, the international community should focus on the things that the government cannot hide—it’s obvious intolerance of ideas other than its own (Dominic Parviz Brookshaw , and Seena B. Fazel 2007).

In 2007, Mahmud Ahmadinejad held a conference entitled the World without Zionism. He is known to publicly discount the holocaust and has a great fanatical outlook on messianic figures within Shia Islam. For example, he regularly attributes world events to the Mehdi, the Hidden Imam of the twelver Shia belief system (Wehrey and al 2009). With so much public outrage both domestically and internationally, those in the position to negotiate should twist the proverbial arm of the Iranian government not by threatening a point of pride, the nuclear development, but an embarrassing blemish and insult to a country’s sense of intelligence and class.
Human rights and sane policy have enough merit within and of themselves that the position could speak for itself. One would have to appear completely evil and cold to deny and do away with evidence presented in regards to a pogrom of truly deviant, institutionalized behavior on the part of a supposedly pious regime grounded in religion.

What makes this proposal difficult to swallow for those involved in negotiations with Iran is that there is little precedent for change when a country is confronted with human rights abuse evidence. China, Cuba, Russia, North Korea, and dozens of African nations all routinely and systematically oppress their people in order for a political agenda to be achieved.

However, in the case of Iran, the nuclear issue becomes a main headline in the struggle to manage the Middle East. If Iran is building a nuclear bomb, it would be the second Islamic country, after Pakistan to do so. It would also act a great catalyst to an arms race with rival countries surrounding Iran, most of which are Sunni Arab. Israel would be in a very difficult position and it would be inclined to take preemptive action as it has done in the past (Kairouz 2007).

As fate would have it, as this paper is being written Iranians are flooding the streets of Iran with a shocking sense of solidarity in the face of the ruling regime. The intelligence apparatus is vainly trying to stop news from getting out and is blaming ‘foreigners’, a favorite scapegoat in Iran, for the upheaval. No political demonstration of this magnitude has taken place on this large of a scale since the Iranian revolution itself. The prospects of a number of very interesting outcomes has dramatically increased within the last six days.

While the demonstrations are the result of a political election and apparent vote rigging, the debate has quickly shifted to broader issues that have been simmering for quite some time. Human rights, the right to assemble and protest, the accountability of the leaders and the legitimacy of the establishment itself have all come under recent limelight.

Historically speaking, crushing dissent has a mixed record among countries who are totalitarian and dictatorial in nature. In the short term in may fuel tensions and unrest. This is often met with more brutality. In the broader view, the world has come to be a place where people and their countries are growing tired of war and the people on the street want more to do with government. Although many countries still practice repressiveness, their doing so only deepens there inevitable fall from power. The USSR is a good example.

Undoubtedly, the world 2.0 is become a game of diplomacy and talks. A place where twisted agendas and unfair governments are being called out and their activities made known. The age of secret police appears to be coming to an end and while intelligence activity will always be needed, the role of the Gestapo-like groups is quickly fading.

Normal people and sympathetic politicians are having the will and desire to stand up to the established elite and challenge them. The prospect of bloodshed and civil war is still very real in a handful of countries around the World, and the citizens and peoples appear to be readying on a sub conscious level to do away with tyranny for the last time.

While these conclusions may be naïve, the evidence for these statements is apparent on the nightly news. Grassroots movements in Iran for example are trampling government efforts at containment and the peaceful nonviolent marches are a clear signal to the clergy that the people will no longer tolerate such abuse of power.

REFERENCE

The story of Ahmad Batebi is very interesting and we at MEY encourage all readers to become familiar with his persecution and trials. You can read more about him here. Briefly, Ahmad was arrested after this widely published photo in the 1999 student demonstrations. The shirt he is holding up was his friends who was beaten to death by the Basij, Iranian paramilitary forces.
Below is a translation of an article, big thanks to Mohammad Memarian.

Before New Year holidays [~ 4.5 months ago] they called me and said that I had to return to prison. I was surprised. They had told me that I could stay out of prison as long as I refused to do politics. Yes, I did some politics, but it was not public.

I called my inspector in Intelligence Ministry, but he would not respond. Thus I thought that even intelligence agents wanted me back in prison.

My analysis was that after 9 years in prison, it was not easy to return to it. In addition, it would exert pressure on my family, especially my mother. And prison is of a limited capacity [to spread one's words], and more than that threshold would be well worn. Then I decided to call my friends in Kurdistan Democrat Party [to arrange the escape].

They said: “be ready.” They did not say how or when, just told me “be ready.” And it was exactly the first day of New Year when I was going to Karaj (a city close to Tehran) to pay a visit to my family that they called and said: “we want to meet you somewhere.” When I reached there, with my usual stuff (backpack, camera and some documents), they said: “Mission started. Come one.”

I had nothing. They brought me city to city, till we reached a border city. We moved along the border and finally crossed it. I just had 400 dollars.

In Iraq, democrat agents took me and brought me to Kuyeh [a city]. They hide me in a room. After a while, due to requests of me and my attorney in US, I was introduced to UN office in Arbil.

Then some bad things happened. First, I was threatened in Iraq. A terrorist group was sent to assassinate some people. Even local newspapers published the event. Second, we were trying to convince Intelligence Ministry that I’ve escaped to Turkey. But they found my telephone number and called me (just UN had my number). They asked me to introduce myself to Iran’s consul. They said: “we will give you a passport and financially help you to go anywhere you may want.” I recorded their voice.

Thanks to these developments, officials of Kurdistan Democrat Party submitted a letter to UN officials in Iraq and said “we have some evidences showing that Batebi is under threat.” Then UN officials decided to send me to Sweden. But before that, my attorney got permission from US and I went to Austria and then US.

In Austria, in the airport, I was watching people. Euro games were underway and all were watching TV. I thought that what a difference there exists between our concerns and theirs; they come from everywhere to watch football, and we just want to survive.

I’ve recorded everything: how I left Tehran, riding a mule, UN office, even that intelligence agent who called me in Iraq. Human Rights Activists will publish them all ASAP.

That said, I would like to bring attention to the fraud that masquerade as fairness in the Iranian media. Recently a number of arrests were made in Iran and the entire defacto leadership of the Iranian Bahá’í community was put into notorious Evin prison. Roozonline.com also reports that 6 more Bahá’í community leaders were arrested by state security agents.

Their ‎names were listed as Hushmand Talebi and Mehran Zini, and Farhad Fardossian…The news site reports that these individuals were ‎arrested by security-law-enforcement agents and transferred to the prison of the town, ‎while their conditions remains unknown…it is reported that three other Bahá’ís named Ali Ahmadi, Changiz ‎Derakhshan, and Ms Simin too have been arrested in the northern town of Ghaemshahr.

Asianews.it reports that Gholam-Hossein Elham a government spokesman of Iran said that these arrest have nothing to do with being Bahá’í. This is clearly a lie. The government of Iran is scapegoating the Bahá’ís, a peace loving and loyal group who is not involved or conduct any subversive activity, for their own ineptitude in failing to find the real bombers of the Shiraz bombing.

For Bahá’ís to be involved in such an act is preposterous. Even the most vehement of critics know and acknowledge the Bahá’ís are non engaged politically or do they ever disobey the civil government. It is antithetical to assume that the Bahá’ís have a political agenda, engage in espionage, or actively try to subvert the government. If anyone who claims they are a Bahá’í and engages in such activities, they would be dis-enrolled and not recognized by other Bahá’ís.

Iran’s charges against the Bahá’ís which, are parroted by the unfortunate excuses for media, include being spies for Israel. A closer examination will show the hollowness of this claim.

Statement of facts:

350,000 plus Baha’is in Iran. Children, elderly, disabled, handicapped and across all ethnic lines and groups count members. Kurdish Bahá’ís, Azeri, Lori, Hazara, etc…Some families are 5 and 6 generations. Can they all be active agents of Zionism? Use your brain.

Bahá’í administrative headquarters are in Haifa, Israel. Duties include the management of the worldwide Bahá’í community. Not just Iran. Any communication that may be sent back and forth between Haifa and the friends in Iran is solely regarding the community itself. The government of Iran is aware and acknowledges this relationship and has allowed it. Since they are not afforded any rights in the Iranian constitution, it would only be prudent and practical for such a group to exist. To give credit to the fair minded people in the IRI government a workable understanding was put in place. For a while.

Bahá’ís cannot and will not be involved in any political movements of the day and refuse to at the same time betray their respective governments. This is peculiar to the Bahá’í Faith alone when compared to other mid 1800 movements, i.e, Mormonism or the Ahmadiyyeh sect.

Bahá’u’lláh required that His followers strictly abstain from conflict and contention, which are characteristics of the partisanship practiced in present-day politics. Bahá’ís, in whatever country they reside, are prohibited from holding membership in any political party.

At first glance, one might expect to find the members of the Bahá’í community actively engaged in a wide range of political pursuits in furtherance of its universal ideals. The opposite is in fact the case. But Bahá’ís are urged to contribute to the welfare of society, one way being to fulfill their civic responsibilities.

We can see activism in the Bahá’í Faith when it comes to serving humanity without a doubt. However, in Iran, when Bahá’ís engage in such “subversive” behavior they are arrested. See 54 Bahá’ís arrest in Iran.

Kayhan, that fountain of hate publication which is the mouthpiece of the Regime, continuously vilifies their fellow countrymen. Make no mistake Iranian Bahá’ís would die for their country and thousands did in the Iran-Iraq war. There is a endemic suffering of hyper paranoia among conservative elements in Iran and they are hindering the progress of the Iranian people. When will Iran be a contributor to World peace? When will Iran return to its glorious past and propagate its beloved culture? When will the people of the World enjoy the company of Iran?

If the government of Iran wants to accuse the Bahá’ís of assisting foreigners, or in collusion with colonialists, we invite them to show proof. We challenge them to find a verifiable fact of evidence connecting the Iranian Bahá’í community to espionage.

Kayhan news runs articles periodically that vilify the Bahá’ís. These articles are backed up by fictitious documents manufactured 80 years ago, in the time of the Shah. They spread lies and hate and agitate the susceptible. If Kayhan can attack the real Bahá’í Faith they may have more luck. Given there are those people out there who do not agree with World peace, equality of men and women, harmony of science and religion, spiritual solutions to economic problems, and education for all. Kayhan would be well served to seek them out in the caves they dwell in.

It is an insult to the Iranian community, Muslim, Christian, Zoroastrian, Jew alike to assume that the truth can be spread in such vilification.

Judge fairly and with a sincere desire to understand, and you will.

Translation

In the Name of the Most High

With greetings,

The congregation of Baha’ism not having the heavenly book like those of Jews, Christians, and Zoaretrians in the constitution [of Islamic republic of Iran], are not considered one of the religious minorities. However, since they are the citizens of this country, they have the right of citizenship and to live in this country. Furthermore, they must benefit from the Islamic compassion which is stressed in Quran and by the religious authorities.

God-willing you will be successful,
(Wal Salam–u Alaykum Warahmatullah)
[Peace and Mercy of God be upon you]

25 Urdibehesht 1387 [14 May 2008]

Signature: Montazeri [Seal]

This is an interesting bit of information coming from the man who would have been Ayatollah Khomeini’s successor. He is an advocate for the seperation of religion and politics in the government. It has not been easy for Ayatollah Montazeri and he is taking a big risk by doing this. If this is authentic, it would be a positive sign that there is indeed an understanding of personal freedoms and respect when it comes to Iran and the reformist camp.

Ayatollah Montazeri, I greatfully aknowledge your efforts to bring human rights to all Iranians, despite thier religion.

The author then goes on after she has defined fundamentalism in this context to describe the role models that Islam has for its women, most notably Khadijah, Aisha and Fatima. Each of these women was noted as exemplary standards for what the author argues are the model in Islam for women to emulate. Although some disagreement exists about the role of women and what these women did, it is unmistakable that they certainly set the standard for generations to come. The author goes on to note that there is a realization and rejection of what Islamic feminism, or at least gender roles in politics should be compared to that of Western society. She goes on to note that gender roles in the two cultures vary greatly and there is no desire to become westernized in the feminist or equal sense of the word. She argues that although there appear greater freedoms under the Shahs rule (in Iran’s case), these freedoms were corrupting and ultimately counter productive to an Islamic society. She points out that Islamic fundamental feminism is its own unique brand of political theory and indeed is more desired that what is going on the west. She states that this version of gender recognition actually give the women more a status and deems them more respectable, as opposed to the western version which apparently only classifies them as sex objects. I disagree with this assessment nor do I accept that Islamic rights for women are greater than those found in more liberal societies. It is clear still that women are severely discriminated against in the legal code and societal norms. While there may be some acceptance of this fact, it does not mean that the discrimination does not take place.

A few examples of the discrimination taking place in Iran right now are those of the Qassas Laws. The laws of retribution are clearly jaded and afford men the advantage at every turning point. Women are not allowed to be judges in the IR of Iran nor are they granted the presidency or Rahbariyat. However, there appears to be some coming around and indeed when the very same arguments are used for the causes of women in politics there is no denying the Islamic roots of the precedents cited. This fact has won over very influential players in Iran of the opposite gender and may be indeed the only way to move forward under the current regime.

Thoughts?

First let me start by providing some quotes from the central figures of the Baha’i Faith about Islam etc…

“Blessing and peace be upon Him [Muhammad] through Whose advent Bathá [Mecca] is wreathed in smiles, and the sweet savours of Whose raiment have shed fragrance upon all mankind– He Who came to protect men from that which would harm them in the world below. Exalted, immensely exalted is His station above the glorification of all beings and sanctified from the praise of the entire creation. Through His advent the tabernacle of stability and order was raised throughout the world and the ensign of knowledge hoisted among the nations. May blessings rest also upon His kindred and His companions through whom the standard of the unity of God and of His singleness was uplifted and the banners of celestial triumph were unfurled. Through them the religion of God was firmly established among His creatures and His Name magnified amidst His servants.”

- Tablets of Baha’u'llah revealed after the Kitab-i-Aqdas, p. 162

Even though the Baha’i Faith is an independent religion and is not a sect of Islam, we find in the writings of Shoghi Effendi (the Guardian of the Baha’i Faith 1921-1957), much emphasis on the need for Baha’is to help correct the many mistaken views about Islam, held by the majority of people in the West:

‘There is so [much] misunderstanding about Islam in the West in general that you have to dispel. Your task is rather difficult and requires a good deal of erudition. Your chief task is to acquaint the friends with the pure teaching of the Prophet [Muhammad] as recorded in the Qur’án, and then to point out how these teachings have, throughout succeeding ages, influenced[,] nay[,] guided the course of human development. In other words you have to show the position and significance of Islam in the history of civilization.’

- Shoghi Effendi, (the Guardian of the Baha’i Faith). Lights of Guidance, New Delhi: Bahá’í Publishing Trust, 2nd rev. and enlarged edition, 1988, #1664.

‘The mission of the American Bahá’ís is, no doubt to eventually establish the truth of Islam in the West.’

- Shoghi Effendi, Lights of Guidance, #1665.

Although the Baha’i clearly states that God’s revelation will continue forever and Muhammad was the last prophet of a cycle, it does not shy away from stating that it is a new religion meant for today. Our primary purpose is PEACE. The entire religion is based on very progressive principles that address all segments of humanity for this day and age.

We are forbidden against Jihad, political involvement, partisanship. We actively take part in all sorts of interfaith initiatives and cooperation. Far be it from me to proselytize on MEY. I feel it necessarily however to clear up some of the miss-information and propaganda put out by the IRI of Iran and other subversives and miss-leading elements.

If this is your first time reading about what Iran is trying to do, read the article above. Basically, Iran wants to kill anyone and everyone who is considered an apostate. Which in and of it self lacks even the most general legal definitions. The terms laid out in the draft law literally allow for such broad interpretation that the law could apply to anyone.

Most recently Baha’i students of grade school and middle school age (4-12) are being persecuted at school. They are being “…vilified by their teachers and school administrators, and are forced to listen to vile and outrageous tales about the teachings of their Faith and the moral behavior of their co-religionists. Students are often expelled when they identify themselves as Bahá’ís, when they try to defend the Faith against utterly unfounded accusations, or when they respectfully attempt to correct gross misrepresentations of the Faith’s history in the textbooks they must study.”

Just for clarification Baha’is believe the following…

• The oneness of God, mankind and religion.

• The independent investigation of truth.

• The equality of women and men.

• Harmony of science and religion.

• Elimination of extremes of wealth and poverty.

• Universal peace.

• A world common-wealth of nations.

• A universal auxiliary language.

• Spiritual solutions to economic problems.

• Universal education.

According to the Iranian government we also believe in inter-course with our siblings, zionism, free-masonry, human sacrifices, etc etc…

Here is another story of just one example of what is happening.

In the city of Andisheh, a young woman, sixteen years of age, was accosted several times by individuals, one of whom had picked her up in the guise of a taxi driver and, refusing to let her off at her school, said to her, “[You are a] Bahá’í child, and you teach. I will kill you.” This same person also made threatening calls to her home, in one instance stating, “You will never be able to find me. We will start with you and gradually reach the rest. We are a group who wants to cleanse the schools.” The family reported the incidents to the police, who told them to return the following day and ultimately were of no help to them. Some days later, while at her sister’s shop, another man tried to assault the young Bahá’í woman with a knife, but she pushed him away and he ran out. Several days afterthis, a smartly dressed woman approached her in the schoolyard and, greeting her with “Alláh-u-Abhá”, asked where the Bahá’ís would be meeting that night. Since the Bahá’í community would be commemorating a Bahá’í Holy Day that evening, the young woman directed her to obtain the details from whoever had invited her to the community’s activities. The woman responded by suggesting that they leave immediately to see the young woman’s mother, at which point the Bahá’í student returned to her classroom. Several days later, at the end of the school day the young woman sensed someone was following her as she left the school. She fainted, and when she regained consciousness, she was in a car with the same man who had originally driven her to school in the guise of a taxi driver. Two other men were in the car, one of whom was the one who had tried to attack her in her sister’s shop. The woman who had spoken to her in the schoolyard was also in the car with them. When one of the men reached out to grasp her, she tried to defend herself and was slapped in the face by the woman. They also broke her eyeglasses and pulled her hair. They then pushed her out of the car and drove away.

No doubt its chief purpose is spiritual; to reinvigorate the soul and bring the person closer to God. I thought I would share a little about the Baha’i hoilday that is happening for millions right now across the World.

From Wikipedia on Ayyam-i-Ha…

The nineteen months of the Bahá’í calendar are named after the attributes of God. Ayyám-i-Há, which means the “Days of Há” — Há is the Arabic letter corresponding to the English H — commemorates the transcendence of God over his attributes since its name “Ha” has been used a symbol of the essence of God in the Bahá’í holy writings. Under the Arabic abjad system, the letter Há has the numerical value of five, which is equal to the maximum number of days in Ayyam-i-Há.

During the Festival of Ayyám-i-Há Bahá’ís are encouraged to celebrate God and his oneness by showing love, fellowship and unity. In many instances Bahá’ís give and accept gifts to show forth the love, and it is sometimes seen as a “Bahá’í Christmas” held two months late. It is also a time of charity and goodwill and Bahá’ís often participate in various projects of a humanitarian nature.

After the Fast, we have Naw Ruz, which is the New Year, in the Ancient Persian Calander and also the Baha’i Calander.

Also from Wikipedia…

Nowrūz (Persian: نوروز, various local pronunciations and spellings) is the traditional Iranian new year holiday celebrated in Iran, Northern Iraq, Turkey, Azerbaijan, Afghanistan, Albania, Georgia, the countries of Central Asia such as Turkmenistan, Tajikistan, Uzbekistan, Kyrgyzstan, and Kazakhstan, as well as among various other Iranian and Turkic people in Iraq, Syria, Lebanon, Pakistan, India, Northwestern China, the Caucasus, the Crimea, and the Balkans.

Nowruz marks the first day of spring and the beginning of the Iranian year as well as the beginning of the Bahá’í year. It is celebrated on the day of the astronomical vernal equinox (start of spring in northern hemisphere), which usually occurs on the March 21st or the previous/following day depending on where it is observed.

As well as being a Zoroastrian holiday, it is also a holy day for adherents of Sufism as well as Bahá’í Faith. In Iran it is also referred to as an Eid festival, although it is not an Islamic feast. Shia Nizari Ismaili muslims, who trace their origins to Iran, celebrate the festival under the name Navroz. In their religious protocol, Navroz is officially recognized as an Eid, as with Eid ul-Fitr and Eid ul-Adha, although it involves a distinct set of religious ceremonies. Alawites also celebrate Nowruz.