You can see an Arabic copy of the new regulation below, it consist of 4 paragraphs, each one is restricting wearing certain clothes and shoes to females employed in the ministry and signed by the women affairs coordinator.

The commemoration was filled with formative and heated discussions with contents ranging from academic, ethnic and religious perspectives.

Among the contributors was Laween Atroshi, a 22 year old British Kurd and Peace ambassador. Here he discusses the successful and applause worthy developments the Kurdistan Region of Northern Iraq has made thus far in its running. Laween raises points such as our strong education system, and the legal laws implemented within the region which condemn honour crimes and honour killings as well as other acts of human injustice.

He also mentions and makes a request for the UK Labour Party to consider Kurdistan’s cause and struggle for independence and the not so long-ago history of our Halabja genocide.

Laween Atroshi on Kurdistan’s Rights & Development

]]> http://www.mideastyouth.com/2011/12/29/kurds-human-rights-talk-uk/feed/ 0 House of Lords,Human Rights Commemoration,Kurdish Youth,Kurdistan,Kurds,london,UK Human Rights Day 2011 was warmly welcomed in London's House of Lords where a board of delegates came together from across Europe in discussion and reflection of the developments and progress made within the global community on the agenda of human right... Human Rights Day 2011 was warmly welcomed in London's House of Lords where a board of delegates came together from across Europe in discussion and reflection of the developments and progress made within the global community on the agenda of human rights. The commemoration was filled with formative and heated discussions with contents ranging from academic, ethnic and religious perspectives. Among the contributors was Laween Atroshi, a 22 year old British Kurd and Peace ambassador. Here he discusses the successful and applause worthy developments the Kurdistan Region of Northern Iraq has made thus far in its running. Laween raises points such as our strong education system, and the legal laws implemented within the region which condemn honour crimes and honour killings as well as other acts of human injustice. He also mentions and makes a request for the UK Labour Party to consider Kurdistan's cause and struggle for independence and the not so long-ago history of our Halabja genocide. Laween Atroshi on Kurdistan's Rights & Development Mideast Youth no http://www.mideastyouth.com/2011/09/17/13019/ http://www.mideastyouth.com/2011/09/17/13019/#comments Sat, 17 Sep 2011 15:01:22 +0000 Maikel Nabil Sanad (Egypt) http://www.mideastyouth.com/?p=13019 Psychology, Field Study
Psychology of Criminals in Jail
May 2011

I think I started reading psychology in the year 2000 when I was about 15 years old. Psychology helped me a lot in understanding motives and ways of thinking of others, so that was a great help to me in my political activism. Also, a book I read before, about psychology of militarists for Sigmund Freud,, helped me dealing with militarists in my struggle for peace and non-violence. My activism led me to jail, so I thought to use the wasted time here in making a field study doing some psychological analysis for criminals jailed with me. I’ll try to summarize my major notices, categorize them, even knowing that these information could have been written before by researchers on criminology and psychology, but I believe that adding a new field-study from a prison in Egypt, made by a prisoner could be of a positive value.
* Sample of study
- About 30 prisoners (drug dealers, thugs, robbers, killers)
All came by military trials

1- Denial
* Denial was the greatest psychopath. I saw here criminals are living in a parallel world, different from reality.
* Nearly, every prisoner believes that he is innocent, everyone denies his crime. For moments, I felt that I’m the only one made things against the law. Some people claim that they didn’t commit their crime, but police faked the case to harm them. Others don’t see anything wrong with their crimes; just as the drug dealer who says that there is nothing wrong in selling narcotics (even he knows that it causes harm). Also, the killer who sees that it was a normal reaction from him to kill the person who insulted him or tried to get close to one of his females.
* One of the prisoners usually says “I believe that God would stand with me, because I didn’t harm anybody ever in my life”… This man killed, injured, hostaged, was jailed in lots of countries for more than 25 years and was active in trading drugs in more than 5 countries, in Europe and Middle East!
* As being with a group came by military trials in a very exceptional time, this made us very interested to follow the political news. Everyone was hoping that a political change could happen, leading to canceling military trials and freeing them. They can’t accept the idea that they harmed innocent people and deserve to be punished and rehabilitated in jail to be good citizens… But, look at it from another view, I, myself, don’t believe that I’m guilty, I don’t believe that I made anything wrong and I intend to continue my activism when I be released!

2- Schizophrenia
* Denial leads to having two identities; real one outside the prison and the other identity is the innocent one inside the jail and in front of investigators.
* I noticed also that most of criminals have two or three names. It’s common in Egypt to have two names (without a noticeable cause for that), but criminals have lots of names for lots of purposes. They use this variety to run from investigations and trials (as an accusation to Mr. A doesn’t lead to accusing Mr. B, when the investigator doesn’t know that Mr. A is Mr. B). Having two names helps them to hide their crimes from their families or any other people they don’t want them to know about their crimes. Also, having two names helps them escape from police officers and secret service.
* The direct result of having two names is having two identities (personalities) and you can be surprised at any second of changing in manners of the man in front of you. He just switches between both of them or switch on and off the other identity he doesn’t want to show in jail.
* Practically, when you deal with them, you find some of them faithful, religious, courageous, slightly enlightened… etc. But, all of that can change in seconds to see a selfish bloody person, full of hatred.
* Prisoners are also pretending all the time; pretending being rich is a common thing here. Lots of prisoners here pretend to be millionaires, they act as if they are going to buy you and your family. By time, you discover that they are poor people. Even if you didn’t get information proving they aren’t rich as they claim, their way dealing with money and how they fight for small and cheap things, make you believe that those people can’t have the amount of money they claim.

3- Lying
* Prisoners lie just for lying. One of them says a piece of a poet every day (the same piece); a part of it says, “tell me about prisoners and their lies; tell me about lies which run in their views”… Also, this man claims that he never lies, even though he lies every second!
* Prisoners don’t lie for a logical cause, they are just used to giving wrong answers as a normal reflex. They also feel power in deceiving others. They keep telling opposite (contradicting) stories about their lives. They tell false names for their sons. They could even claim of being sons of families, other than their true families.
* Dealing with prisoners taught me that you should believe that he is lying until he proves the opposite. You can’t deal with them as if they are telling they truth.

4- Ego
* Prisoners have enlarged egos. I think that the ego is the cause of all crimes. The man who kills another man because of a couple of words, the ego forced him to kill. The same with stealers and rapists. Ego is the mother of all crimes.
* The criminal doesn’t understand the idea of having borders between him and others. He sees it’s normal to interfere in others’ lives, insult them, use them, make fun of them, on the other hand, he can’t accept being treated the same way.
* Criminals also don’t believe in private property. When he sees something he likes, he just goes on and takes it (without a permission from its owner) and he doesn’t see something wrong with this. That’s why stealers don’t see something wrong in taking others’ money.
* Ego of criminals also gives them the impression that they have the right to use others and use them as slaves. When he wants something, he just orders any weak prisoner to do it. You need to have also an enlarged psycho-pathetic ego to make them fear you, and so fear of treating you the same way.

5- Complicated relation with religion
* I think this could be part of the schizophrenic point, but it has notices which should be focused on.
* Criminals have very fantastic opinions. They don’t see that Bin Laden did anything wrong. They don’t respect Jews or Christians in general (even though they respected me, thinking I’m a Christian). They hare non-believers and atheists. They are ready to kill or injure anyone telling them a bad opinion about their religion.
At the same time, they don’t pray nor fast. Their crimes (killing, injuring, stealing) are banned in their religions and they don’t see anything wrong in committing them. They use narcotics everyday, even they believe it’s forbidden by God.
* Criminals also are superstitious. They believe that dreams are messages from God which will come true. They feel good or bad when they hear specific types of birds. They believe in ghosts. They also believe in lots of myths not related to Islam.

6- Self-hatred
* This gets on surface when he is weak. It becomes obvious that he hates his life, his principles, may be even himself.
* When someone emotionally close to him tells him bad news, talk to him hardly, he starts blaming everyone led him to that crime, takes decisions to stop making crimes when he is released. Deep inside, he wishes if he had a different (regular/normal) life. Maybe, the hard time we live here in jail is the cause which makes him hates his crimes.

7- Sex-phobia and homophobia
* I believe it’s normal to be a homosexual when you are forced to live years without seeing a female. But, even if it’s spontaneous and good for them, they are still homophobic. When they know about a gay prisoner, they start insulting and beating him.
* But, this behavior isn’t related only to homosexual behavior, they nearly do the same thing towards whoever they know that he masturbates or owns sexual pictures with him.
* Schizophrenically, they like to talk a lot about their sexual adventures, with stimulant sexual details!

8- Continuous making of troubles
* Life in jail is very boring. Some prisoners will have to spend in prison 20 years or more. Egyptian prisoners have nearly nothing which can help you spend time without being bored. That’s how prisoners discovered a new way to kill time: making troubles.
* One of the prisoners told me, “the prisoner is a son of a bitch, if you gave him a finger, he will take you all, he will step on your head”… He was describing how prisoners deal with each other inside jail.
* The advantage of making troubles is that it kills lots of time and it brings with it lots of positive and negative feelings. They need those feelings while they are isolated by speechless walls.
That’s why prisoners fight each other every moment, interfere in others’ privacy, deliberately understand every word as an insult to use it to begin a fight… etc.
* Prisoners don’t know how to spend time positively and prison management doesn’t try to teach them how to do that. They don’t like to read newspapers or books. They usually aren’t interested in continuing their study from within jail.
* Long boring time and the inability to use it pushes them to use narcotics continuously to kill time and drugs make them make more troubles, and the cycle goes on.

- Final general notices

• Being a prisoner myself, made it hard for me to focus more than this. I wish I could make larger and more detailed research.
• Also, I felt changes in my behavior inside jail. Some changes are good adaptation, others are bad changes, I’ll need to visit a psychiatrist to fix them. What I’m trying to say is that in prison, there is a behavioral state affecting anyone inside and each prisoner is forced to take reaction towards it.
• Legally, there should be a psychiatrist and a social professional in jail to help prisoners. I don’t know if they exist, but if they do, we are not in contact with them in an way. This way in prison management doesn’t fight crime, but produces new criminals to society.

Maikel Nabil Sanad
El-Marg prison
18-5-2011

The sexual harassment epidemic in Egypt is actually quite a hot topic at the moment, and recently made an appearance on the big screen.

678 is an outstanding movie written and directed by Mohammed Diab. As the official website puts it, it is “the hauntingly real story of three women and their search for justice from the daily plight of sexual harassment in Egypt”. The movie tackles the subject brilliantly, exposing three different yet equally malicious forms of harassment. It is a moving and raw story with superb acting, worthy of far more attention than it received. I really cannot recommend it enough.

[youtube]http://www.youtube.com/watch?v=COesFcvkXaE&feature=player_embedded[/youtube]

One of the story lines was inspired by the very real tale of Noha Roshdy, the first Egyptian woman to file a lawsuit against her assailant and win. Noha got groped by the driver of a pickup truck while crossing a street in Cairo. With only the help of her friend and a stranger, she dragged the man to a police station and insisted on filing a sexual harassment lawsuit, something practically unheard of at the time.

Noha appeared on various talk shows after her victory. She recounted how the crowd that had formed during the incident had eventually called her crazy and chastised her for her clothes, despite her insisting that her outfit was not even remotely feminine, let alone provocative. This happened to her again live on the air when she was on a talkshow hosted by Mona El Shazli. One viewer called to generously inform them that the driver held 60% of the responsibility, while Noha herself held 30% (the remaining 10% went to the government). You can listen to it here about 2 minutes in:

[youtube]http://www.youtube.com/watch?v=g6RDTU9nZvc&t=2m0s[/youtube]

He goes on to explain that she must have been “wearing something suggestive, or laughing too loudly”. That’s right, he actually said that her laughter might been the cause of her harassment. I’m pretty sure I wasn’t the only one watching who was seeing red at this point, and thankfully both Mona and Noha competently replied, with Noha emphasizing just how important it is for us as a culture to refine our concept of harassment and take it more seriously as an unequivocal crime.

Another guest who also made the talk show rounds whenever this topic came up is Sara Eldemerdash, one of the founders of HarassMap. This is a website that allows you to report incidents of harassment by SMS, which then get posted on the site. You can also post it on the site yourself or tweet it using the hasthag #harassmap. It’s an innovative idea that hopes to spread awareness about harassment and gives women an opportunity to speak out.

Harassmap isn’t the only thing to come out of this. Not long ago I was pleasantly surprised to see posters on some streets condemning harassment.

It is undeniable that many promising steps have already been taken. As it happens, today is the “Blogging and Tweeting Day Against Sexual Harassment and Gender Violence in Egypt” so you can do your part in ensuring that this issue can no longer hide from public scrutiny, bringing us that much closer to ending it.

#endSH

Originally published on http://finding-hawwa.blogspot.com/

The latest in a string of inanities asks, “What is the most suitable way to curb sexual harassment?” Is it a) Men should control themselves, or b) Women should wear looser clothes. With roughly 100,000 votes, I’m depressed to admit that I didn’t expect the first option to take the lead, if only by a small margin. The answers accompanying the question were pretty much what you’d expect, so brace yourselves.

All variations of “Respectful girls don’t get harassed.” / “Show a guy two women: one covered the other not, which is more likely to get attention?”/ “God said so.”

While a lot of them said that both answers were necessary, they usually added that women bear the brunt of the blame. The solution is obvious: Girls should just cover up, both to “protect themselves” and to “give men a break.”

Sadly, this is a pervasive opinion in Egypt. While most people condemn the harassers, that doesn’t stop them from believing that women bring it on themselves. We teach our daughters and sisters that they should cover up for their own protection. Forget this utopian planet where you can dress however you please, the reality is that you can’t control the harassers. This is a seemingly pragmatic solution to a problem that is out of our control.

We are led to believe that playing by the rules will keep you safe. People always ask incredulously if a woman has ever been harassed while wearing the niqab. I have to wonder which reality they’re living in, because according to the now-infamous Egyptian Center for Women’s Rights survey, 72 percent of those who described incidents of harassment said they were veiled at the time, some of whom were wearing the niqab. What now?

The most frustrating thing about stubbornly holding on to this idea is that whenever harassment does occur, some people will run through a million scenarios in order to legitimize this belief instead of entertaining the possibility that it might be wrong. Your clothes were too revealing, your hijab too loose, your laughter too loud, your words too flirtatious, on and on it goes. An endless list of entirely subjective violations that led up to your predicament.

The truth is even if every inch of skin is buried beneath countless layers of fabric, you are still potentially a target. Which isn’t to say you are immune from blame, far from it:

[youtube]http://www.youtube.com/watch?v=xEzY5cL0Os8&feature=player_embedded[/youtube]

This video is crazy even by our standards, but it is just an extrapolation of the same principle.

What is even more interesting is that 62 percent of Egyptian men admitted to harassing women and 53 percent accused women of “asking for it non-verbally.” There’s a very obvious display of entitlement in their attitude that originates from the very same rules that were set up for our protection. So rather than offering safety, all they do is reinforce the idea that by deviating from this vague definition of modesty, you deserve what you get.

“Half the girls want to get harassed anyway.”

“Slutty slut sluts!! Being so slutty! Most guys are respectable!”

It seems Mona Eltahawy described it best when she said “The more women veil the less men learn to behave as decent and civilized members of society, and the more women are harassed, the more they veil thinking it will ‘protect’ them.”

Obviously this isn’t something unique to Egypt or even the Middle East. The only difference in the application of these rules is what the culture qualifies as immodest, and how many preemptive measures a woman must take in order to be considered “safe”. Either way, it seems we’re better off without the so-called protection these misguided precautions can offer us. Thanks, but no thanks.

Originally published on http://finding-hawwa.blogspot.com/

On 1st April 1979, Iran voted by national referendum to become an Islamic Republic, and to approve a new theocratic constitution, whereby Khomeini became Supreme Leader of the country in December 1979. The great Persian civilization has suspended. Hundred thousands of secular, liberal, and socialist Iranian families have fled westwards in the aftermath of theocratization of Iran.  This small family is one of them.

Socialist Persian Mother, socialist Azeri father, and liberal prodigal son. The mother and son, pictured above, speak openly with Mideast Youth about their own efforts to outreach their fellow Iranians within the borders, and outside it. In addition to glimpses from the past, and thoughts about the future.

Two generations who share the dreams, aspirations and homesickness, however use two different languages, literally and figuratively.

Shahla, the mother, a digital and native refugee, is active offline. Meanwhile Dennis, the son, perfectly extends his mother’s activism and takes it to the online world throughout using the modern technology in order to spread the word about his country. Dennis, who puts the Iranian flag on his Facebook profile picture, works as a human connector between the strangled social media hubs in his home country from one side, and the world’s renowned media outlets from the other. Despite the generation gap, they both share an implied opinion; “Iran is under theocratic dictatorship, and if we don’t participate in altering this reality, who will do it?!”

Mother’s dream: A socialist revolution. She’s very blunt about it. Even democracy isn’t on her A-list, maybe because Ahmadinejad claims that he’s democratically elected, but socialism is!

Son’s dream: To trace his blood routes, visit his family and friends, and wander in the streets of free Tehran. He definitely knows the whereabouts of the digital #Tehran well, but he wants to touch its walls, plays football, his favourite sport, on its grounds, and talks in his mother tongue with relatives who he has never been able to meet in the coldness of the Nordic Sweden. The Islamic Republic is older than Dennis with 13 years, but he’s quite sure that he’ll live longer than it.

Shahla Nouri, a prominent member of Organisation for Women’s Liberation (OWL) – Iran, speaks in this interview, through her son who finds himself a Persian-English interpreter, as well as an interviewee throughout this podcast, about her organisation, and how they help women refugees from Iran and Kurdistan in Stockholm, where they live and operate. They also fight what they call the “gender apartheid” between men and women in Iran, help homosexuals of Iran, and spread awareness about human trafficking through their satellite channel which is received by many Iranians through cables.

“The organisation runs a lot of campaigns to stop stoning and execution of Iranian women in their homeland.” – Shahla Nouri.

OWL – Iran cooperates with a lot of anonymous active organisations in Iran, whose names can’t be announced, otherwise, the life of those operating the organisations would be threatened.

Shahla is burdened by memories which date back to 32 years ago, when she was forced to flee Iran in 1979, alongside her Kurdish political activist husband, and never returned back home. The family who has fled Iran 32 years ago, until they settled in Sweden 7 years later, after wandering through many countries in between.

“I want to see my homeland after 32 years abroad.” – Shahla Nouri

OWL was launched on 14th December 2002 in London, upon direct response to the growing women’s movement in Iran for equality and liberation The contemporary history of women’s movement in Iran dates back to the 1979 uprising, when their struggle and aspirations for an equal and just society for all was crushed by the newly empowered Islamic Republic of Iran, which didn’t hesitate since then in showing their alter ego, especially against women.

“Women were the first social strata of the society to be suppressed by the Islamic regime. The imposition of Islamic laws, such as the compulsory veil, gender segregation in public places, negation of the right to divorce or custody of children for women, and the subsequent punishments for defying these laws, such as arrests, imprisonment, stoning and execution have all made life a hell for millions of women in Iran.” – OWL – Iran official website.

There’s a growing women’s movement to combat suppression and humiliation in Iran. Today, a lot of  Iranians are very vocal when it comes to freedom, equality, separation of religion from state, and an end to sexual apartheid, whether outside or inside the borders, however the latter population need a proxy and a creative pseudonym. OWL is overwhelmed with reform, and merged in this movement overseas.

“We regard political Islam as one of the main obstacles in the path of women’s movement for change, especially in the Middle Eastern countries.” – OWL – Iran.

The organisation’s founder and director is the prominent activist Azar Majedi, well-known for her freedom and equality efforts. I was honoured to read one of OWL‘s publications, and I was really amazed by Ms Azar’s deep analysis and insightful approaches.

Check out OWL’s official website here.

On the other side of the table, stays Dennis, the interpreter and the son, who has just finished his high school in Sweden, the country where he was born and raised for all his life.

Dennis, soon to turn 20 year old, has refused, prior to recording, to declare his full name, because that would put his family and extended family at risk.

Dennis, an Iranian-Swedish who has only navigated to his homeland through Google Earth, talks in this podcast about how he used social media in the 2009 presidential elections in Iran, and how he helped decrypting the social media news leaking from behind the Mullah-Firewall, and defusing them into the internationally recognized media outlets. Smuggled news were the world’s media headlines during the presidential campaign, however the state controlled propaganda strived to label the foreign news sources as conspirators and spies.

We can see through this family, how two different, yet united, generations, share an old struggle against an oppressive regime in their homeland by connecting the offline and online worlds together – Streetbook, as my English friend would like to call it.

The last question to both of them was about their future dreams. The emotional Shahla couldn’t help her tears, while uttering, “revolution!” But at the end, they both shared laughs while spelling their website domain on the Internet – an Iranian internal joke apparently.

Listen to this podcast with this small, yet strong, Iranian family, or download it now!

Check out our newest projects, Ahwaa, a safe and dogma-free space to debate LGBTQ-related issues in the MENA region!

Ahwaa.org is a bilingual tool for LGBTQ youth in the Middle East that leverages game mechanics to facilitate authentic, high-quality interactions.

To learn more about its mission and some of its features, please watch our video:

We hope you can help us spread the word.

Afghanistan

The subjugation of women in Afghanistan today cannot be attributed solely to the Taliban’s rule—rather, its roots were planted long before and continue to exist today. Even before the fundamentalist group took control, its past as a patriarchal agrarian society created a legacy of distinct gender roles and “…tribal traditions where men exercise unmitigated power over women,” (Ahmed-Ghosh 1). The structure of Afghan societies—especially in rural areas—is based around strong tribal and ethnic divisions with honor systems playing a major role in the various groups’ customs and their attitudes towards women. These honor codes center primarily around the preservation of their purity and morality. Women are used as pawns that help create and seal alliances between tribes through marriages, which are usually planned without the consent of the brides. In these unions, “…total obedience to the husband and his family is expected, and women are prevented from getting any education,” (Ahmed-Ghosh 2).

The Pashtuns, the largest ethnic group in Afghanistan, have a complex honor-based society that exemplifies the way tribal traditions have continued to define women’s roles today. Pashtunwali, translated literally as “the way of the Pashtuns” is the foundation of this people’s identity. Violation of any of the various stipulations prescribed by the code places the defier at risk of being shunned by his or her tribe, making adherence the obvious choice. The izzat, or honor of the Pashtun individual, is crucial to their membership in the group—without it, “…he or she is no longer considered a Pashtun, and is not given the rights, protection, and support of the Pashtun community” (Kakar 3). Members of self-sustaining agrarian communities are interdependent, eliminating exile as an option for survival.

The most important pillar of this extensive system is the purdah, often referred to as the symbolic veil separating the men’s sphere from the women’s sphere—a segregation necessary to uphold honor. In agrarian societies of Afghanistan, this is often practiced through the division of labor based on gender. Women are “…left to care for the household while the men are out shepherding the flocks for days and weeks” (Kakar 5). They are expected to remain within their respective sphere and it is common knowledge that consequences arise when these boundaries are crossed. For women, these consequences include getting, “…beaten, accused of dishonor, and even perhaps expelled from the community” (Kakar 5). The purdah and izzat are crucial to the survival of the Afghan system of patriarchy because the honor of the male head of a family is directly dependent on his wife’s virtue. In fact, “it is often said that Pashtun men customarily see women as comprising the essence of the family. If a woman earns a bad reputation, her whole family, which includes the men, is sullied” (Kakar 8). Places where mixing of unmarried or unrelated members of the opposite sex is prevalent are regarded as areas where moral defilement is likely to occur—unfortunately these places often include schools and even hospitals. This explains why such drastic measures are often taken to separate the women of Afghanistan from anything that may bring shame to their families—even if it comes at the expense of their basic human rights.

Though many may confuse the tribal traditions practiced in Islamic countries with the religion of Islam, it is important to note that, “…though the Pashtuns were Sunni Muslims of the Hanafi school of law, it was their Pashtun tribal code, Pashtunwali, which governed them before all else,” (Kakar 2). Afghan society is structured around tribal divisions and although its people are practicing Muslims, the religion is ordained through tribal leaders who rarely recognize the line that lies between cultural customs and Islamic laws. They conveniently fail to enforce parts of the religion that could potentially obstruct the continuity of their patriarchal system, and the steps they take to preserve their ways are often in clear violation of not only Islam, but also the universal standards of human rights.

The fact that the first word of the Quran revealed was iqra, which translates to the command, “read” or “learn” in Arabic, is proof enough of the impact that Islam places on the education of its followers. However, there are numerous other places within the scripture and also in the hadiths (words or deeds of the Prophet, peace be upon him) in which the education of both males and females is emphasized. The Prophet (pbuh) used to say, for example, that, “education is obligatory on both Muslim men and women, even if they have to go to China to seek it” (Bhutto). The reiteration of the importance of learning in Islam is in clear opposition to the current practices of the Taliban in Afghanistan today—a group still deeply entrenched in ancient tribal practices. As of 2009, more than 630 schools have been shut down by the Taliban because they have been deemed “un-Islamic” (IRIN). Ironically, it is the closing down of these educational institutions that are against the tenets of Islam and in comparison, the tribal traditions they have carried throughout the years that condone such actions.

With respect to the forced marriages and subservience to men that is expected of women in Afghan tribes, these actions are also condemned in Islam where, “no one – not even her father can force her to marry against her expressed consent. And a woman does not cease to be an individual after marriage” (Bhutto). A woman’s humanity and singularity is acknowledged in Islam and she is not regarded as property to be beaten and abused as is the case in patriarchal Afghan societies. Tribal leaders abuse their absolute power and, by labeling cultural traditions as religious, they manage to maintain their sexist system of hierarchy.

According to the UN Universal Standards of Human Rights, the institutionalized patriarchies of Afghan societies violate several articles, including the document’s core premise that “…the advent of a world in which human beings shall enjoy freedom of speech and belief and freedom from fear and want has been proclaimed as the highest aspiration of the common people.” Women in Afghanistan live in the constant fear that they will bring shame upon their families. They live their lives in fear that they will be punished for simply desiring access to an education or healthcare in a public place alongside their fellow human beings. Afghanistan’s tribal rituals, as demonstrated by the Pashtunwali, are also in clear violation of Article 16 of the Universal Standards, which declares that only marriage between two consenting spouses is humanely permissible. In addition to its transgression of many other standards, the Afghan tradition of segregation—often depriving women of an education altogether—breaches Article 26, which ultimately acknowledges that all human beings have the right to an education.

Iran

Similar to the tribal system in Afghanistan, Iran’s history of patriarchies is framed within a monarchical patrilineal heritage. Males were placed on a much higher scale than women were during Iran’s dynastic era, which contributes to the subordinate place in society that women fill today. As was done in the tribal societies of Afghanistan, where marriage unions were created to facilitate alliances between groups, marriages in Iran were carried out more as eternal business deals than meaningful relationships. According to Sedghi, this system:

…ensured patriarchal domination…and permanent marriage analogous to a commercial transaction, in which the woman, the object of the contractual transaction, is exchanged for the mehr (brideprice). The brideprice specifies saman-e boz or the price for a woman’s sexual organ. The marriage contract approximates a commercial contract in Islamic Law, where saman (price) is exchanged for the mabi (object for sale). Marriage is thus a contract for the legalization of sexual intercourse, not for love… (28)

These transactions were arranged and conducted by the bride’s father and groom without ever receiving her consent. In fact, many of the marriages that took place in Iran involved young nine or ten-year-old girls. Essentially the unions symbolized a transfer of the female’s sexuality to the possession of her new husband—her role was to serve as a sex object and reproductive machine.

From their childhoods and onward, women were taught to be ashamed of their gender. During the late 18th to early 20th centuries, under the rule of the Qajar Dynasty, it was considered a social disgrace to give birth to girls. The consequences of a female birth, “…usually meant disappointment to the father and fear in the mother, who might face abandonment or punishment by her husband or his close relatives or her own father,” (Sedghi 27). During this period of time, it was common for members of the royal family or wealthy landlords to take on as many as 300 wives at a time—some legitimate and some servants that were taken on as concubines. Having many wives maximized the husband’s chances for having male children to carry on his name—this was important for members of royalty especially because of the legacy of their dynasties. This number of spouses, though disproportionate to that found in Iran today, further entrenched a patriarchal system that doted on males and subordinated females to the role of domestic baby-making machines.

Contrary to popular belief, polygamy is not encouraged in Islam and is only allowed under certain conditions:

And if you fear that you cannot act equitably towards orphans, then marry such women as seem good to you, two and three and four; but if you fear that you will not do justice (between them), then (marry) only one or what your right hands possess; this is more proper, that you may not deviate from the right course. (Qur’an 4:3)

During the time of the Prophet (pbuh), it was appropriate to take on more than one wife (but only a maximum of four were permitted) because the wartime conditions during this period left many women widowed and even more orphaned—marriage was seen as an act of charity that helped save and support these women. 300 wives would not be permitted as there would be no feasible way in which the husband can provide equal time and care to each of them—another stipulation to this “luxury” of polygamy. This is another example of the misrepresentation and exploitation of Islam through cultural practices.

Even the way women were forced to dress during the Qajar Dynasty was an indication of their lower status in society simply because of what the various articles of clothing were widely known to symbolize. Women wore a “…three-piece dress consisting of…very loose trousers…that signified their separate world; it assured them space and identity as…the weak and status as…those obedient to men’s will,” (Sedghi 26). This dark, uniform clothing represented their isolation from the world of men and the clearly distinct sphere they were made to live in as part of the male-dominated world that ruled them.

The patriarchal dynasty of Iran during the Qajar and Pahlavi monarchical rule came to a halt with the 1979 Revolution. The series of protests and demonstrations against the rule of the kings united most of Iran’s citizens against the patriarchal structure that had so staunchly defined Iranian families. Women were strongly represented among the protesters and they, “…themselves began recognizing their strength in numbers. An egalitarian spirit prevailed in the streets during this period of the Revolution,” (Fathi 132). This inkling of hope for women remained just that, however, because the traditional Iranian family structure that was entrenched under Iran’s dynastic rule was too engrained in the culture to be overcome by a renewal of ideas—no matter how radical.

Rule under then Ayatollah Ruhollah Khomeini and now Khamenei’s theocracy was similar to the monarchs before them, but now hidden under the pretext of Islamic rule. Soon after coming into power, Khomeini enforced the hijab head covering for all women venturing out into public, and reaffirmed their domestic roles in the household and away from the public sphere by denying them access to political power. He also went so far as to have women arrested who violated certain dress codes. Both Khomeini and Khamenei are known to carry out inegalitarian punishment for things such as adultery, giving women the short end of the stick (Sedghi 202). The theocratic leaders’ rule served the same purpose as that of the monarchs—keep women subservient to men. The former leaders under the umbrella of the Islamic Republic of Iran, simply added a religious spin to their actions and, “in an attempt to ‘Islamicize’ women’s position, they resorted to coercion, passed inegalitarian laws, and mobilized female morality squads or…the gender police, to enforce its codes of propriety” (Sedghi 202).

An oft-publicized and debated subject about Islam is the issue of women’s dress and covering. While it was imposed upon women in Iran, the Quran mentions it as advice directed towards women and not towards men or anyone else to mandate:
“Say to the believing women that they should lower their gaze and guard their modesty; that they should not display their beauty and ornaments except what (must ordinarily) appear thereof; that they should draw their veils over their bosoms and not display their beauty…” (Al-Mu’minun 24:30-31).

Ultimately, it is a Muslim woman’s choice to practice modesty how she sees fit and this decision does not religiously fall within any Ayatollah’s jurisdiction. This freedom is also in accordance with the UN Universal Standards of Human Rights which recognize every individual’s, “…right to freedom of opinion and expression; this right includes freedom to hold opinions without interference.” Under the scriptures and the human rights document, no entity should have the power to tell any individual how to express themselves—whether it be through imposing the donning of the veil or not.

Saudi Arabia

In Saudi Arabia, the extended family is a crucial part of the country’s society. The way various roles within these families were organized, especially, led up to the norms we see today. Even before Islam arrived in Saudi Arabia in the 7th century, division of labor was divided by gender. Similar to Afghanistan and Iran, “the primary male roles were as providers and protectors of the family, working outside the home. The primary female roles were as nurturers and managers within the home, in which all women in the family tended to band together to influence family decisions,” (Long 36). These various positions in society that the two genders held and traditions of secluding the women away from the public lives of men were entrenched in Arabian society even before its origination of Islam. Included in these customs was the issue of female modesty—this was a common theme prevalent in many civilizations at this time. The, “…virtue of female modesty, including its assocation with women’s apparel in public, is expressed in Genesis 24—65: ‘And Rebekah lifted up her eyes and when she saw Isaac, she asked the servant, ‘Who is that man walking through the fields to meet us?’ And the servant replied, ‘That is my master;’ then she took her veil and covered herself” (Long 36).

This atmosphere that placed such a large emphasis on women’s modesty (similar to the honor codes of Afghanistan and the dress of women in traditional Iranian families) set up the backdrop for future violations against women’s rights in Saudi Arabia.

In a society trying desperately to hold on to its beliefs and traditions amidst the oncoming waves of development and progression of women in the public sphere, Islam remains a static, sentimental piece of the world they firmly hold on to. The modest woman as depicted in the Quran symbolizes the antithesis to the Western woman, according to Saudis—the latter is one they do not want existing within their patriarchies. As a result of their attempts to prevent “Western thoughts” from permeating their close-knit, delineated gender roles, they have implemented many laws including mandatory head to toe covering, lax punishments for perpetrators of domestic violence and the banning women from driving. As mentioned before in the examinations of the previous countries, covering is up to the woman and not something that should be mandated by a state or other unaffected individual. Domestic violence, as in other Abrahamic religions, is not condoned and the woman has a right to divorce with her husband providing for her: “[65:7] The rich husband shall provide support in accordance with his means, and the poor shall provide according to the means that GOD bestowed upon him. GOD does not impose on any soul more than He has given it. GOD will provide ease after difficulty.” As for driving, according to the Hadiths, Aisha, the Prophet’s wife (pbuh) rode her own camel while fighting in battles as did his prior wife, Khadijah. Once again, the religion of Islam has been used in a Middle Eastern country as a scapegoat in order to preserve the patriarchal status quo.

Conclusion

It can be simple to blur the line between culture and religion when referring to the Middle East and its various countries’ violations of women’s rights as accorded to them naturally and specified in the UN Universal Standards of Human Rights. However, when one looks at first the examples of Afghanistan, then Iran and Saudi Arabia, it becomes clear that the patriarchal cultures in each of these societies developed from tribalism, patrilineal dynasties, and roles in extended families, outlasted and often outshined the Islamic religion that was practiced in their midst. The bonds of culture and traditions are too strong to take the backseat to religion and are often spread and implemented under its pretext—especially by the dominant male ruling group to justify their patriarchal societies. When one looks at the actual teachings of the Islamic religion, however, it becomes clear how they have been used in these countries to propel their ruling, male-dominated class’s agendas forward and how in reality, they mirror the universal standards of human rights.

Works Cited

“The Universal Declaration of Human Rights.” Welcome to the United Nations: It’s Your World. Web. 11 Mar. 2010. .
“Human Rights Concerns.” Amnesty International USA – Protect Human Rights. Web. 11 Mar. 2010.

Narmen Mustafah R. 1977

The history of Kurdish women is largely unknown — not because people don’t want to know about Kurdish women, but because they don’t know where to learn about Kurdish women. It’s hard to know about women from an ethnic background when their history has not been fully documented. Consequently, many precious elements of Kurdish heritage are unknown, and lost. As a young Kurdish girl living in England, and brought up in England, I have found it fairly easy to learn about British women, and their history. However, the other part of me which is Kurdish is almost unfamiliar because books about the history of Kurds are focused on their geographic location, and struggles towards self-determination.

In an attempt to find out more about Kurdish women, I need not go further than my own mother. She has outlived many wars, conflicts and loosing her son in the Iraq-Kuwait war of 1990. Why look further than a wonderful mother that has raised 3 children, brought up amidst poverty, political activism and a self-proclaimed ‘traditional’ feminist. I suppose I’m more of a kick-ass feminist than my own mother, given that she is a ‘retired’ feminist.

My mother was born in 1962 in Arbil, and is the eldest of her siblings. She grew up amongst 7 siblings, and got married to my dad at the age of 17. He was a recent graduate from the University of Baghdad, and a supporter of the Patriotic Union of Kurdistan. My mother soon stopped going to college after getting married because it was increasingly hard for her, and understandably so.

Looking back at the 30 years that my father contributed, supported and represented the Kurdish Patriotic Union, my mother was alongside him. As an avid supporter, councilor, and motivator, but amongst the new-wave of Politicians, little is known about my mother. My mother’s life is one too familiar for the women of her generation.

Feminism was not a central issue during her time, she tells me. ‘Women were interested in raising a family and little concerned with their role in society’. If we compare my mother’s experiences to contemporary standard of living amongst Kurdish women, we will find that more women are concerned with their role in society, and representation. Increasingly, they want their voices to be heard through media outlets, internet forums, twitter, blogging and etc.

‘Feminism was not unheard of, but women didn’t mobilise in large groups, or protest for more rights’ she said, again to draw a comparison, as a British-Kurdish feminist, I have found in my recent visits to Kurdistan, women are more eager to work towards better rights, and proportionate political representation within the governmental sector. I asked my mother about the lack of feminist literature amongst Kurdish women, and she said ‘We merely facilitated the opportunities to our daughters and sons, a new generation, one that would be eager to speak, and brave enough to not be silenced’.

My mother instilled within me the idea of equality, justice and equal treatment. Although she has had her fair share of influence from the patriarchal society that she was raised in, but that didn’t stop me from seeing beyond and above that. She is one of the many unheard and unknown mothers in Kurdistan.

If you take out uncovered meat and place it outside without cover, and the cats come to eat it … whose fault is it, the cats’ or the uncovered meat’s? The uncovered meat is the problem. If she was in her room, in her home, in her hijab, no problem would have occurred.

So spoke Sheikh Hilali four years ago, an Egyptian-born cleric living in Australia.  This little gem of a statement instantly gained worldwide notoriety and became a classic example of Muslim fundamentalist preaching in the West. After receiving a wave of criticism, he backtracked, saying, “This does not mean I condone rape. I condemn rape. Women in our Australian society have the freedom and right to dress as they choose. The duty of man is to avert his glance or walk away.”

But it was too late. The message behind his words had been made abundantly clear. It is the same message that has become alarmingly common in the Middle East. Likening unveiled women to meat is not new, and in Egypt it isn’t criticized enough.

A popular image circulating the internet drew an analogy that was almost identical to that of Hilali

Mostafa Hosny—host of the popular show Khada’ooka Fakaloo— kindly sacrificed part of an episode to educate us on how to dress.

[youtube]http://www.youtube.com/watch?v=1cEKuYn_3bQ[/youtube]

Escorted by five mannequins modelling common hijab trends, he brandishes a stick reprovingly with a voice dripping with sickly sweet condescension.  He pauses every now and then to trace the outline of their silhouettes or to whack their wooden physique, all while emphasizing just how tantalizing each hypothetical body part is.

We insist that wearing the hijab is a choice. This phrase has become a mantra for Muslim women combating stereotypes in foreign countries where they have to fight the image of the voiceless oppressed female: My choice, my choice, my choice.

But can we really say that in Egypt, where cultural sentiment tips the scale heavily in favor of wearing it? Even when it isn’t outright familial compulsion, it is a growing societal one. It is the insidious peer pressure created by well-meaning individuals who propagate the same mentality reflected in the Australian cleric’s sermon. It is the emergence of Facebook proselytizing and Youtube evangelism, the good intentions and terrible executions served with a side of self-righteous concern.

What surprises me the most is that it’s commonly women who enthusiastically share these videos and encourage this mindset. Why is that? These videos and images unapologetically insist that women are purely objects of desire. They take the multifaceted dimensions of faith and reduce it to a single decision, whereby the hijab acts as a convenient litmus test for virtue. And most disturbing and despicable of all: they relate unveiled women to sexual assault and cloud potential harassment in blame.

By adding disrespect, fear of harassment and possible victim blaming, can we really then call it a choice?

Moez Masoud competently tackled this tunnel vision phenomenon several times on his shows.
[youtube]http://www.youtube.com/watch?v=mDVwZsfkPFU[/youtube]

It is possible for us to promote spiritual ethics without the offensive overtones. Ultimately, it should never be up to someone else to decide when you should reach certain religious milestones. That only serves to trivialize them. Every individual is different and no one is without flaws; something self-appointed do-gooders might want to remember before pouncing on other people’s visible imperfections rather than examining their own.