I’m not saying we should provide a one-sided view about maids in the Gulf. Complaints will exist and some are legitimate. However, journalists, columnists, bloggers and editors need to be extremely alert and cautious about how they are framing these issues. Maids lack a lot of legal rights in our countries, thanks in part to the sponsorship system which leaves them completely vulnerable to abuse, but they also suffer from a considerable amount of racist discrimination throughout our societies. Look no further than an average mall or an airport anywhere from Doha to Manama to witness the despicable treatment of South Asian workers. It’s common enough that it’s impossible to deny.

We need to highlight our outrage to these editors who don’t know any better than to publish this propaganda that seemingly encourage racism and normalizes classism. Why push for the idea that maids are “pampered” when they have incredibly demanding jobs under little to no protection? Why complain about the expenses involved in hiring a maid when they get the least amount of compensation which amount to nothing in comparison to the average salary in the Gulf? And more importantly, why amplify these self-absorbed voices instead of the voices of victims and their families that are barely recognized? Thousands of families are still demanding justice for their siblings, mothers, fathers, sons or daughters who have disappeared without trace upon arriving to our countries. They are forgotten and dismissed.

In a previous article I took similar issue with one of the other pieces published by this same paper. Sadly other local papers appear to have been inspired to be following a similar trend. This is a grave problem.

For a publication called Emirates 24/7 the editors should consider creating a section to discuss the “24/7 workers” who work insane hours on a daily basis to provide for complete strangers, sometimes under deplorable conditions. They spend years doing this. Some don’t come out of it alive. Some take their own lives. Some patiently go through each day despite not having their salaries paid on time or in full. Some get beaten to death. Some get raped.

This isn’t to generalize and claim that all domestic workers go through these issues, but they do happen in such frequency that we should be alarmed and informed enough to take action. We should never dismiss these as the “few” cases – there’s enough of these cases that makes this OUR problem. Every single week for an entire year there’s one story after another about these incidents and yet the outcry remains largely invisible particularly in these media outlets, who instead publish these horrid stories about maids being “pampered.”

So I have a few questions for Shuchita Kapur, one of the authors of such offensive and unnecessary op-ed pieces. You think it’s tough having to “pamper” a maid? Having to provide for her the way she gave up years of her life to provide for you? Having to grant this individual who catered to your every need a decent request? Go through one day as a maid and I assure you, you will never complain again. I’m confident it will change the tone of your stories when you realize the challenges and physical/psychological pressures involved in the job. When you are turned away from public spaces, mocked, dismissed, and harassed because the entire community around you deems you so pitiful to the point of worthlessness. When the idea of reuniting with your family is a distant dream that may or may never happen depending on nothing but pure “luck” because your protection is never guaranteed.

Shuchita, I doubt you have the strength required to endure this pain.

It might appear from the influx of tragic stories that these maids are weak and helpless. Make no mistake in assuming that. Most have the inspiring courage, determination, and patience necessary to survive decades of abuse, imprisoned in a household where they are taken advantage of, mistreated and never appreciated, all the while missing out on watching their own families grow. How many of us can go through that?

It’s time for us to urgently take a stance against trivializing abuse of migrant workers in the media.

You can see an Arabic copy of the new regulation below, it consist of 4 paragraphs, each one is restricting wearing certain clothes and shoes to females employed in the ministry and signed by the women affairs coordinator.

Razan Ghazzawi is a US citizen. Without giving in to the “American Savior” mindset, we must exploit this fact in order to get the United States to put pressure on the Assad regime. At the very least, Bashar Al Assad must know that we know Razan is in his hands, and that we will hold him accountable for every hair on her head. So what can you do to demand the release of Razan and of every Syrian prisoner?

1. Write an email or send a fax to your local politician, Foreign Minister, members of parliament of congress. Use the internet to find their contact details or see this list of emails. Razan is an American Citizen – See herefor a list of US Embassies to contact demanding they take urgent action.

2. Use your profile photo to draw attention to Razan’s arrest and the plight of all prisoners in Syria via Twibbon or you can use this image, or make your own.

3. Use the tag #FreeRazan to share links, videos, news from #Syria – keep attention levels UP, don’t let this important news be overpowered by other stories and fade from view

4. Post news and links to FaceBook, blog, forums, and in comments on videos and news posts about Syria. If you write, please write about this issue.

5. Schedule tweets for when you can’t be online – use Dlvr IT for feeds or Buffer for individual tweets. Also, Razan’s twitter account is currently being managed by her friends and supporters. Follow her if you’re not already @RedRazan for important updates.

6. Join the new Free Razan FaceBook page and share the page with all your friends

7. If you have more ideas, please share them here or here.

Razan Ghazzawi is a true part of the Syrian revolution, not just of the uprisings. She knows that freedom for Syria must come with freedom for everyone. And we know freedom for Syria must come with freedom for Razan. Spread the word about her arrest, and more importantly, honor her bravery by embodying her philosophy of inclusive radical acceptance and freedom for everyone.

The sexual harassment epidemic in Egypt is actually quite a hot topic at the moment, and recently made an appearance on the big screen.

678 is an outstanding movie written and directed by Mohammed Diab. As the official website puts it, it is “the hauntingly real story of three women and their search for justice from the daily plight of sexual harassment in Egypt”. The movie tackles the subject brilliantly, exposing three different yet equally malicious forms of harassment. It is a moving and raw story with superb acting, worthy of far more attention than it received. I really cannot recommend it enough.

[youtube]http://www.youtube.com/watch?v=COesFcvkXaE&feature=player_embedded[/youtube]

One of the story lines was inspired by the very real tale of Noha Roshdy, the first Egyptian woman to file a lawsuit against her assailant and win. Noha got groped by the driver of a pickup truck while crossing a street in Cairo. With only the help of her friend and a stranger, she dragged the man to a police station and insisted on filing a sexual harassment lawsuit, something practically unheard of at the time.

Noha appeared on various talk shows after her victory. She recounted how the crowd that had formed during the incident had eventually called her crazy and chastised her for her clothes, despite her insisting that her outfit was not even remotely feminine, let alone provocative. This happened to her again live on the air when she was on a talkshow hosted by Mona El Shazli. One viewer called to generously inform them that the driver held 60% of the responsibility, while Noha herself held 30% (the remaining 10% went to the government). You can listen to it here about 2 minutes in:

[youtube]http://www.youtube.com/watch?v=g6RDTU9nZvc&t=2m0s[/youtube]

He goes on to explain that she must have been “wearing something suggestive, or laughing too loudly”. That’s right, he actually said that her laughter might been the cause of her harassment. I’m pretty sure I wasn’t the only one watching who was seeing red at this point, and thankfully both Mona and Noha competently replied, with Noha emphasizing just how important it is for us as a culture to refine our concept of harassment and take it more seriously as an unequivocal crime.

Another guest who also made the talk show rounds whenever this topic came up is Sara Eldemerdash, one of the founders of HarassMap. This is a website that allows you to report incidents of harassment by SMS, which then get posted on the site. You can also post it on the site yourself or tweet it using the hasthag #harassmap. It’s an innovative idea that hopes to spread awareness about harassment and gives women an opportunity to speak out.

Harassmap isn’t the only thing to come out of this. Not long ago I was pleasantly surprised to see posters on some streets condemning harassment.

It is undeniable that many promising steps have already been taken. As it happens, today is the “Blogging and Tweeting Day Against Sexual Harassment and Gender Violence in Egypt” so you can do your part in ensuring that this issue can no longer hide from public scrutiny, bringing us that much closer to ending it.

#endSH

Originally published on http://finding-hawwa.blogspot.com/

The latest in a string of inanities asks, “What is the most suitable way to curb sexual harassment?” Is it a) Men should control themselves, or b) Women should wear looser clothes. With roughly 100,000 votes, I’m depressed to admit that I didn’t expect the first option to take the lead, if only by a small margin. The answers accompanying the question were pretty much what you’d expect, so brace yourselves.

All variations of “Respectful girls don’t get harassed.” / “Show a guy two women: one covered the other not, which is more likely to get attention?”/ “God said so.”

While a lot of them said that both answers were necessary, they usually added that women bear the brunt of the blame. The solution is obvious: Girls should just cover up, both to “protect themselves” and to “give men a break.”

Sadly, this is a pervasive opinion in Egypt. While most people condemn the harassers, that doesn’t stop them from believing that women bring it on themselves. We teach our daughters and sisters that they should cover up for their own protection. Forget this utopian planet where you can dress however you please, the reality is that you can’t control the harassers. This is a seemingly pragmatic solution to a problem that is out of our control.

We are led to believe that playing by the rules will keep you safe. People always ask incredulously if a woman has ever been harassed while wearing the niqab. I have to wonder which reality they’re living in, because according to the now-infamous Egyptian Center for Women’s Rights survey, 72 percent of those who described incidents of harassment said they were veiled at the time, some of whom were wearing the niqab. What now?

The most frustrating thing about stubbornly holding on to this idea is that whenever harassment does occur, some people will run through a million scenarios in order to legitimize this belief instead of entertaining the possibility that it might be wrong. Your clothes were too revealing, your hijab too loose, your laughter too loud, your words too flirtatious, on and on it goes. An endless list of entirely subjective violations that led up to your predicament.

The truth is even if every inch of skin is buried beneath countless layers of fabric, you are still potentially a target. Which isn’t to say you are immune from blame, far from it:

[youtube]http://www.youtube.com/watch?v=xEzY5cL0Os8&feature=player_embedded[/youtube]

This video is crazy even by our standards, but it is just an extrapolation of the same principle.

What is even more interesting is that 62 percent of Egyptian men admitted to harassing women and 53 percent accused women of “asking for it non-verbally.” There’s a very obvious display of entitlement in their attitude that originates from the very same rules that were set up for our protection. So rather than offering safety, all they do is reinforce the idea that by deviating from this vague definition of modesty, you deserve what you get.

“Half the girls want to get harassed anyway.”

“Slutty slut sluts!! Being so slutty! Most guys are respectable!”

It seems Mona Eltahawy described it best when she said “The more women veil the less men learn to behave as decent and civilized members of society, and the more women are harassed, the more they veil thinking it will ‘protect’ them.”

Obviously this isn’t something unique to Egypt or even the Middle East. The only difference in the application of these rules is what the culture qualifies as immodest, and how many preemptive measures a woman must take in order to be considered “safe”. Either way, it seems we’re better off without the so-called protection these misguided precautions can offer us. Thanks, but no thanks.

Originally published on http://finding-hawwa.blogspot.com/

http://nooralderazi.wordpress.com/2011/06/12/the-letter-i-wrote-to-on-facebook-the-ceo-of-bahrain-polytechnic/

http://nooralderazi.wordpress.com/2011/06/12/the-letter-i-wrote-to-on-facebook-the-ceo-of-bahrain-polytechnic/

http://nooralderazi.wordpress.com/2011/06/13/i-feel-like-the-polytechnic-is-singing-please-dont-stop-the-expulsion-as-in-please-dont-stop-the-music-song-p/

Let the government of Bahrain know you do not approve of their gross violation of the right to education and to freedom of expression by joining this Facebook group named: in solidarity with Bahrain Polytechnic’s expelled students. Your opinion really matters!

* picture and cupcake by Noor.

Afghanistan

The subjugation of women in Afghanistan today cannot be attributed solely to the Taliban’s rule—rather, its roots were planted long before and continue to exist today. Even before the fundamentalist group took control, its past as a patriarchal agrarian society created a legacy of distinct gender roles and “…tribal traditions where men exercise unmitigated power over women,” (Ahmed-Ghosh 1). The structure of Afghan societies—especially in rural areas—is based around strong tribal and ethnic divisions with honor systems playing a major role in the various groups’ customs and their attitudes towards women. These honor codes center primarily around the preservation of their purity and morality. Women are used as pawns that help create and seal alliances between tribes through marriages, which are usually planned without the consent of the brides. In these unions, “…total obedience to the husband and his family is expected, and women are prevented from getting any education,” (Ahmed-Ghosh 2).

The Pashtuns, the largest ethnic group in Afghanistan, have a complex honor-based society that exemplifies the way tribal traditions have continued to define women’s roles today. Pashtunwali, translated literally as “the way of the Pashtuns” is the foundation of this people’s identity. Violation of any of the various stipulations prescribed by the code places the defier at risk of being shunned by his or her tribe, making adherence the obvious choice. The izzat, or honor of the Pashtun individual, is crucial to their membership in the group—without it, “…he or she is no longer considered a Pashtun, and is not given the rights, protection, and support of the Pashtun community” (Kakar 3). Members of self-sustaining agrarian communities are interdependent, eliminating exile as an option for survival.

The most important pillar of this extensive system is the purdah, often referred to as the symbolic veil separating the men’s sphere from the women’s sphere—a segregation necessary to uphold honor. In agrarian societies of Afghanistan, this is often practiced through the division of labor based on gender. Women are “…left to care for the household while the men are out shepherding the flocks for days and weeks” (Kakar 5). They are expected to remain within their respective sphere and it is common knowledge that consequences arise when these boundaries are crossed. For women, these consequences include getting, “…beaten, accused of dishonor, and even perhaps expelled from the community” (Kakar 5). The purdah and izzat are crucial to the survival of the Afghan system of patriarchy because the honor of the male head of a family is directly dependent on his wife’s virtue. In fact, “it is often said that Pashtun men customarily see women as comprising the essence of the family. If a woman earns a bad reputation, her whole family, which includes the men, is sullied” (Kakar 8). Places where mixing of unmarried or unrelated members of the opposite sex is prevalent are regarded as areas where moral defilement is likely to occur—unfortunately these places often include schools and even hospitals. This explains why such drastic measures are often taken to separate the women of Afghanistan from anything that may bring shame to their families—even if it comes at the expense of their basic human rights.

Though many may confuse the tribal traditions practiced in Islamic countries with the religion of Islam, it is important to note that, “…though the Pashtuns were Sunni Muslims of the Hanafi school of law, it was their Pashtun tribal code, Pashtunwali, which governed them before all else,” (Kakar 2). Afghan society is structured around tribal divisions and although its people are practicing Muslims, the religion is ordained through tribal leaders who rarely recognize the line that lies between cultural customs and Islamic laws. They conveniently fail to enforce parts of the religion that could potentially obstruct the continuity of their patriarchal system, and the steps they take to preserve their ways are often in clear violation of not only Islam, but also the universal standards of human rights.

The fact that the first word of the Quran revealed was iqra, which translates to the command, “read” or “learn” in Arabic, is proof enough of the impact that Islam places on the education of its followers. However, there are numerous other places within the scripture and also in the hadiths (words or deeds of the Prophet, peace be upon him) in which the education of both males and females is emphasized. The Prophet (pbuh) used to say, for example, that, “education is obligatory on both Muslim men and women, even if they have to go to China to seek it” (Bhutto). The reiteration of the importance of learning in Islam is in clear opposition to the current practices of the Taliban in Afghanistan today—a group still deeply entrenched in ancient tribal practices. As of 2009, more than 630 schools have been shut down by the Taliban because they have been deemed “un-Islamic” (IRIN). Ironically, it is the closing down of these educational institutions that are against the tenets of Islam and in comparison, the tribal traditions they have carried throughout the years that condone such actions.

With respect to the forced marriages and subservience to men that is expected of women in Afghan tribes, these actions are also condemned in Islam where, “no one – not even her father can force her to marry against her expressed consent. And a woman does not cease to be an individual after marriage” (Bhutto). A woman’s humanity and singularity is acknowledged in Islam and she is not regarded as property to be beaten and abused as is the case in patriarchal Afghan societies. Tribal leaders abuse their absolute power and, by labeling cultural traditions as religious, they manage to maintain their sexist system of hierarchy.

According to the UN Universal Standards of Human Rights, the institutionalized patriarchies of Afghan societies violate several articles, including the document’s core premise that “…the advent of a world in which human beings shall enjoy freedom of speech and belief and freedom from fear and want has been proclaimed as the highest aspiration of the common people.” Women in Afghanistan live in the constant fear that they will bring shame upon their families. They live their lives in fear that they will be punished for simply desiring access to an education or healthcare in a public place alongside their fellow human beings. Afghanistan’s tribal rituals, as demonstrated by the Pashtunwali, are also in clear violation of Article 16 of the Universal Standards, which declares that only marriage between two consenting spouses is humanely permissible. In addition to its transgression of many other standards, the Afghan tradition of segregation—often depriving women of an education altogether—breaches Article 26, which ultimately acknowledges that all human beings have the right to an education.

Iran

Similar to the tribal system in Afghanistan, Iran’s history of patriarchies is framed within a monarchical patrilineal heritage. Males were placed on a much higher scale than women were during Iran’s dynastic era, which contributes to the subordinate place in society that women fill today. As was done in the tribal societies of Afghanistan, where marriage unions were created to facilitate alliances between groups, marriages in Iran were carried out more as eternal business deals than meaningful relationships. According to Sedghi, this system:

…ensured patriarchal domination…and permanent marriage analogous to a commercial transaction, in which the woman, the object of the contractual transaction, is exchanged for the mehr (brideprice). The brideprice specifies saman-e boz or the price for a woman’s sexual organ. The marriage contract approximates a commercial contract in Islamic Law, where saman (price) is exchanged for the mabi (object for sale). Marriage is thus a contract for the legalization of sexual intercourse, not for love… (28)

These transactions were arranged and conducted by the bride’s father and groom without ever receiving her consent. In fact, many of the marriages that took place in Iran involved young nine or ten-year-old girls. Essentially the unions symbolized a transfer of the female’s sexuality to the possession of her new husband—her role was to serve as a sex object and reproductive machine.

From their childhoods and onward, women were taught to be ashamed of their gender. During the late 18th to early 20th centuries, under the rule of the Qajar Dynasty, it was considered a social disgrace to give birth to girls. The consequences of a female birth, “…usually meant disappointment to the father and fear in the mother, who might face abandonment or punishment by her husband or his close relatives or her own father,” (Sedghi 27). During this period of time, it was common for members of the royal family or wealthy landlords to take on as many as 300 wives at a time—some legitimate and some servants that were taken on as concubines. Having many wives maximized the husband’s chances for having male children to carry on his name—this was important for members of royalty especially because of the legacy of their dynasties. This number of spouses, though disproportionate to that found in Iran today, further entrenched a patriarchal system that doted on males and subordinated females to the role of domestic baby-making machines.

Contrary to popular belief, polygamy is not encouraged in Islam and is only allowed under certain conditions:

And if you fear that you cannot act equitably towards orphans, then marry such women as seem good to you, two and three and four; but if you fear that you will not do justice (between them), then (marry) only one or what your right hands possess; this is more proper, that you may not deviate from the right course. (Qur’an 4:3)

During the time of the Prophet (pbuh), it was appropriate to take on more than one wife (but only a maximum of four were permitted) because the wartime conditions during this period left many women widowed and even more orphaned—marriage was seen as an act of charity that helped save and support these women. 300 wives would not be permitted as there would be no feasible way in which the husband can provide equal time and care to each of them—another stipulation to this “luxury” of polygamy. This is another example of the misrepresentation and exploitation of Islam through cultural practices.

Even the way women were forced to dress during the Qajar Dynasty was an indication of their lower status in society simply because of what the various articles of clothing were widely known to symbolize. Women wore a “…three-piece dress consisting of…very loose trousers…that signified their separate world; it assured them space and identity as…the weak and status as…those obedient to men’s will,” (Sedghi 26). This dark, uniform clothing represented their isolation from the world of men and the clearly distinct sphere they were made to live in as part of the male-dominated world that ruled them.

The patriarchal dynasty of Iran during the Qajar and Pahlavi monarchical rule came to a halt with the 1979 Revolution. The series of protests and demonstrations against the rule of the kings united most of Iran’s citizens against the patriarchal structure that had so staunchly defined Iranian families. Women were strongly represented among the protesters and they, “…themselves began recognizing their strength in numbers. An egalitarian spirit prevailed in the streets during this period of the Revolution,” (Fathi 132). This inkling of hope for women remained just that, however, because the traditional Iranian family structure that was entrenched under Iran’s dynastic rule was too engrained in the culture to be overcome by a renewal of ideas—no matter how radical.

Rule under then Ayatollah Ruhollah Khomeini and now Khamenei’s theocracy was similar to the monarchs before them, but now hidden under the pretext of Islamic rule. Soon after coming into power, Khomeini enforced the hijab head covering for all women venturing out into public, and reaffirmed their domestic roles in the household and away from the public sphere by denying them access to political power. He also went so far as to have women arrested who violated certain dress codes. Both Khomeini and Khamenei are known to carry out inegalitarian punishment for things such as adultery, giving women the short end of the stick (Sedghi 202). The theocratic leaders’ rule served the same purpose as that of the monarchs—keep women subservient to men. The former leaders under the umbrella of the Islamic Republic of Iran, simply added a religious spin to their actions and, “in an attempt to ‘Islamicize’ women’s position, they resorted to coercion, passed inegalitarian laws, and mobilized female morality squads or…the gender police, to enforce its codes of propriety” (Sedghi 202).

An oft-publicized and debated subject about Islam is the issue of women’s dress and covering. While it was imposed upon women in Iran, the Quran mentions it as advice directed towards women and not towards men or anyone else to mandate:
“Say to the believing women that they should lower their gaze and guard their modesty; that they should not display their beauty and ornaments except what (must ordinarily) appear thereof; that they should draw their veils over their bosoms and not display their beauty…” (Al-Mu’minun 24:30-31).

Ultimately, it is a Muslim woman’s choice to practice modesty how she sees fit and this decision does not religiously fall within any Ayatollah’s jurisdiction. This freedom is also in accordance with the UN Universal Standards of Human Rights which recognize every individual’s, “…right to freedom of opinion and expression; this right includes freedom to hold opinions without interference.” Under the scriptures and the human rights document, no entity should have the power to tell any individual how to express themselves—whether it be through imposing the donning of the veil or not.

Saudi Arabia

In Saudi Arabia, the extended family is a crucial part of the country’s society. The way various roles within these families were organized, especially, led up to the norms we see today. Even before Islam arrived in Saudi Arabia in the 7th century, division of labor was divided by gender. Similar to Afghanistan and Iran, “the primary male roles were as providers and protectors of the family, working outside the home. The primary female roles were as nurturers and managers within the home, in which all women in the family tended to band together to influence family decisions,” (Long 36). These various positions in society that the two genders held and traditions of secluding the women away from the public lives of men were entrenched in Arabian society even before its origination of Islam. Included in these customs was the issue of female modesty—this was a common theme prevalent in many civilizations at this time. The, “…virtue of female modesty, including its assocation with women’s apparel in public, is expressed in Genesis 24—65: ‘And Rebekah lifted up her eyes and when she saw Isaac, she asked the servant, ‘Who is that man walking through the fields to meet us?’ And the servant replied, ‘That is my master;’ then she took her veil and covered herself” (Long 36).

This atmosphere that placed such a large emphasis on women’s modesty (similar to the honor codes of Afghanistan and the dress of women in traditional Iranian families) set up the backdrop for future violations against women’s rights in Saudi Arabia.

In a society trying desperately to hold on to its beliefs and traditions amidst the oncoming waves of development and progression of women in the public sphere, Islam remains a static, sentimental piece of the world they firmly hold on to. The modest woman as depicted in the Quran symbolizes the antithesis to the Western woman, according to Saudis—the latter is one they do not want existing within their patriarchies. As a result of their attempts to prevent “Western thoughts” from permeating their close-knit, delineated gender roles, they have implemented many laws including mandatory head to toe covering, lax punishments for perpetrators of domestic violence and the banning women from driving. As mentioned before in the examinations of the previous countries, covering is up to the woman and not something that should be mandated by a state or other unaffected individual. Domestic violence, as in other Abrahamic religions, is not condoned and the woman has a right to divorce with her husband providing for her: “[65:7] The rich husband shall provide support in accordance with his means, and the poor shall provide according to the means that GOD bestowed upon him. GOD does not impose on any soul more than He has given it. GOD will provide ease after difficulty.” As for driving, according to the Hadiths, Aisha, the Prophet’s wife (pbuh) rode her own camel while fighting in battles as did his prior wife, Khadijah. Once again, the religion of Islam has been used in a Middle Eastern country as a scapegoat in order to preserve the patriarchal status quo.

Conclusion

It can be simple to blur the line between culture and religion when referring to the Middle East and its various countries’ violations of women’s rights as accorded to them naturally and specified in the UN Universal Standards of Human Rights. However, when one looks at first the examples of Afghanistan, then Iran and Saudi Arabia, it becomes clear that the patriarchal cultures in each of these societies developed from tribalism, patrilineal dynasties, and roles in extended families, outlasted and often outshined the Islamic religion that was practiced in their midst. The bonds of culture and traditions are too strong to take the backseat to religion and are often spread and implemented under its pretext—especially by the dominant male ruling group to justify their patriarchal societies. When one looks at the actual teachings of the Islamic religion, however, it becomes clear how they have been used in these countries to propel their ruling, male-dominated class’s agendas forward and how in reality, they mirror the universal standards of human rights.

Works Cited

“The Universal Declaration of Human Rights.” Welcome to the United Nations: It’s Your World. Web. 11 Mar. 2010. .
“Human Rights Concerns.” Amnesty International USA – Protect Human Rights. Web. 11 Mar. 2010.

The goal was to emphasise on the end of existing discrimination of women while organising struggles against all kind of discrimination. In this light, women gradually obtained more scope of gender equalities: the right to hold public offices, their right to vocational training, and an end to inequity in other conditions.

As an integral part in the making of history, Women’s Day is commemorated and is a national holiday in many countries. It symbolises an age-old struggle of women of all ethnic, religious, cultural and social backgrounds against the existing gender discrimination.

Despite many achievements, IWD remains a thorn in the eyes of capitalist system and their new religious accomplices in the Church and Mosque. This is because a denial of all forms of religion and economic gender discrimination is not in the interests of capitalism, nor matches it with the credo of any religion which considers women less worthy than men. Historically, the day is rooted in the struggles against the Dark Ages of European Church and in the demand for “liberty, equality, fraternity” during the French Revolution.

IWD has originally assumed a new global dimension for the establishment of women’s rights in the developed and developing countries alike. Nevertheless, the growing international political Islam, strengthened by the Islamic regime of Iran, is a serious barrier in the way of achieving this goal. Despite many globally coordinated efforts, the international community, including the United Nations, practically ignores the fate of hundreds of millions of Muslim women, who are conscious or unconscious victims of Islamic states or dominant Islamic traditions of misogyny.

According to the World Health Organisation, 85 to 115 million girls and women have undergone some form of female genital mutilation in many Islamic countries, including 28 African nations, despite the fact that it has been outlawed and condemned by the international community. About 95% of women in Egypt are still the victims of this barbaric genital mutilation.

While March 8th was historically a secular symbol against the dominance of Catholic Church in the West, it is now rather a worldwide struggle against the misogyny of Islamic sates, traditions, and the influence of Islamic mosque all over the world. Today, the horrendous shadow of a monster called political Islam has spread its wings over a great sphere of the globe, where hundred of millions of women have fallen into its clutches. The nest of this bird of prey is the occupied territory of Iran. The bird of prey is an Islamic regime composed of a criminal clique whose bloody clutches are today a new sword of Islam to rape, torture, and kill the “infidel” Iranian men and women.

In many Islamic countries, women, fallen victim to rapes, are often killed by their families to preserve family honour. Honour killings as a legacy of Islamic traditions have been reported in Jordan, Pakistan, Lebanon, Syria, Iraq, Turkey and other Persian Gulf countries. Rape as a means of humiliation, confession, and torture has been used against women in Iranian political prisons. Rape of girls before execution is systematically committed, interpreted as an Islamic principle that “it is a sin to kill a virgin”. – Rape of masculine political detainees was denounced in 2009 by Mr. Karrubi, an unfortunate candidate of the rigged presidential election.

Since the installation of the Islamic regime in Iran (IRI) in 1979, a fast-growing majority of the Iranian women, identified as “bad-hijab” (bad-veiled), have been constantly suffering from the atrocity of the IRI fanatics in their day-to-day life, and under President Ahmadinejad, from nationwide cruelly organised Islamic “Morality Police”. Today, after the rigged presidential election in which Ahamadiniejad was re-elected, millions of Iranians, at least 50% women, take the streets against this gender-apartheid-Islamic regime.

Since 1979, physical assaults, arbitrary arrests, acid-throwing, harassment and psychological pressure have become the part and parcel of woman’s life in Iran. Mr. Moussavi, the hard-line PM under Khomeini and now one of the “reformist“ Green Movement leaders, by imposing Islamic hijab in his administrations, has clearly specified that for women no other sort of dress is acceptable except the Islamic hijab. Hijab, as an Islamic code of female dress, was unofficially practised under Mr. Mousavi’s government before its bill being passed in the Islamic parliament.

The first public demonstration of Iranian women after the Iranian revolution was short-lived. On 7 March 1979, on the eve of the IWD, Khomeini decreed that all women employed by the government must wear the “chador” (an all-enveloping black veil), an extension of the four walls of home. Thousands of women filled the streets in protest. For three days, they marched and rallied; on the third day, they staged a sit-in protest at the Palace of Justice, demanding a legal guarantee for their right to choose what to wear and where to work, at home and in society at large.

Khomeini’s thugs, armed with knives, attacked the women; they cursed them, yelling “Wear your head or get your head rapped.” Islamic thugs stood at windows along the parade-route and exposed their genitals, saying, “This is what you want, you whores!” Quite contrary to the demagogic rants of some “reformists” of the regime that men and women enjoy equal rights, opportunities, and responsibilities in all aspects of life in Iran, a growing gap in the woman’s rights from that of men always remains a cruel reality of Iran.

Over the years, conferences, demonstrations and commemorations have been held globally to reflect on the progress made in woman’s rights. It is now time to call for what has not been made. International Women’s Day should now be made a rallying point against Islamic misogyny, poised to damage the achievements gained in the history of women’s rights. Although the Charter of the United Nations proposes gender equality as a fundamental human right, the organisation is reluctant to create standards, programmes and goals for advancing the status of women equally worldwide. For example, the UN avoids condemning the enforcement of hijab on women in Iran.

Of course the UN Charter, signed in 1945, was the first agreement to affirm the principle of equality between women and men. However, the Charter was prepared before the advent of the international political Islam. Today, the global community is affected by political Islam. Consequently, the UN needs to adopt new resolutions to defend the rights of women in Islamic societies. Women in Islamic societies need international support. In the light of many conclusive reports of misogyny in Islamic countries, the UN must react effectively without delay.

The UN, which condemned the Apartheid regime fairly in the past, is now expected to condemn the gender apartheid of Islamic regimes in support of full and equal right for women. It is time for the international community to challenge the misogynistic behavious of Islam across the globe. Confrontation of the widespread violation of basic rights of women in the Islamic world has been long overdue but ignored by the UN. Safeguarding the women’s rights is now essential to regaining the sense of International Women’s Day.

Daily examples of gender discrimination in Iran show that the regime by imposing different status for men and women has reduced the woman’s role to a means of procreation. Today, the struggle for equality, justice, peace, democracy, secularism, and development is not separated from the struggle against misogyny.

Concerned of backlash from women against its ongoing misogyny and outside scrutiny, the Islamic regime responded by forming its own women groups. These groups produced a newspaper, “The Muslim Women“, the main task of which was to inculcate misogynistic norms and pseudo scientific arguments into mind of women. Through the twisted sense of freedom and origin of women’s rights, its real role is to justify the regime’s misogynistic policy, especially for imposition of hijab on women.

The international community must reject and denounce these kinds of state-run women organisations in Iran. These “yellow” organisations are a greater threat than the governing male fanatics to the liberation of women. The real activists, working to defend women’s rights and to bring about real change in Iran, risk their safety: IRI authorities have been harassing, detaining and intimidating them in the last three decades.

In this aim, all factions of the Islamic regime are principally misogynous because their common Islamic credo is based on misogyny. Mr. Abolhassan Banisadr, the first Iranian President, who had lived in France for 15 years, was asked by a television interviewer if it was true that woman’s hair emits sexually enticing rays and if this is why Islam requires the veil. “Yes, it is true” was his reply. Mr. Moussavi, a newly baptised “reformist” by the West, was the hard-line PM of Khomeini, when the cabinet was accomplice of thousands of summarily executions in summer 1988. Most female political prisoners were raped before execution according to many well-documented proofs.

In the 21st century, the international community should not accept that women’s rights be crippled by Islamic laws “Shari’a”, a 14-century-old legal code. It is time to outlaw Shari’a internationally, because it reduces women to second-class citizens in a male-dominated society. It is time for the global community to condemn any archaic belief system that is based on gender apartheid by officially reducing women to a subhuman entity.

Promotion of gender equality is not only a responsibility of women, but of all humanity. Not only is it an important factor for participation of women in social and economic development, but also a necessity for a healthy development of the society as a whole. According to psychologists and historically approved, gender discrimination creates frustrations, perversity and aggressiveness with blind obedience, all of which are typical traits of oppressed societies.

On this International Women’s Day, let us re-dedicate ourselves to the hundreds of millions of women who are conscious or unconscious victims of Islamic misogyny. Much should be accomplished to put into place legal foundations to urge the international community to remember that it is the responsibility of all of us to defend the democratic and secular right to live in dignity, freedom and gender equality.

Let us as a part of the left, secularists, democrats, feminists and freedom-loving human being line up behind the struggles of Iranian women against their most reactionary and misogynistic ruling class. Today after the outbreak of the 2009 rigged presidential election, the people of Iran have found a new occasion to continue challenging the whole Islamic regime. As once Rosa Luxemburg used IWD as a focus for anti-war rallies in 1914 and 1915, let us encourage our women movement on toppling of this barbaric regime in spite of efforts at sabotage by their former leaders who today call themselves “Green Movement” led by some bearded men and veiled women who still attempt to safeguard the apartheid Islamic regime under a new colour.

Narmen Mustafah R. 1977

The history of Kurdish women is largely unknown — not because people don’t want to know about Kurdish women, but because they don’t know where to learn about Kurdish women. It’s hard to know about women from an ethnic background when their history has not been fully documented. Consequently, many precious elements of Kurdish heritage are unknown, and lost. As a young Kurdish girl living in England, and brought up in England, I have found it fairly easy to learn about British women, and their history. However, the other part of me which is Kurdish is almost unfamiliar because books about the history of Kurds are focused on their geographic location, and struggles towards self-determination.

In an attempt to find out more about Kurdish women, I need not go further than my own mother. She has outlived many wars, conflicts and loosing her son in the Iraq-Kuwait war of 1990. Why look further than a wonderful mother that has raised 3 children, brought up amidst poverty, political activism and a self-proclaimed ‘traditional’ feminist. I suppose I’m more of a kick-ass feminist than my own mother, given that she is a ‘retired’ feminist.

My mother was born in 1962 in Arbil, and is the eldest of her siblings. She grew up amongst 7 siblings, and got married to my dad at the age of 17. He was a recent graduate from the University of Baghdad, and a supporter of the Patriotic Union of Kurdistan. My mother soon stopped going to college after getting married because it was increasingly hard for her, and understandably so.

Looking back at the 30 years that my father contributed, supported and represented the Kurdish Patriotic Union, my mother was alongside him. As an avid supporter, councilor, and motivator, but amongst the new-wave of Politicians, little is known about my mother. My mother’s life is one too familiar for the women of her generation.

Feminism was not a central issue during her time, she tells me. ‘Women were interested in raising a family and little concerned with their role in society’. If we compare my mother’s experiences to contemporary standard of living amongst Kurdish women, we will find that more women are concerned with their role in society, and representation. Increasingly, they want their voices to be heard through media outlets, internet forums, twitter, blogging and etc.

‘Feminism was not unheard of, but women didn’t mobilise in large groups, or protest for more rights’ she said, again to draw a comparison, as a British-Kurdish feminist, I have found in my recent visits to Kurdistan, women are more eager to work towards better rights, and proportionate political representation within the governmental sector. I asked my mother about the lack of feminist literature amongst Kurdish women, and she said ‘We merely facilitated the opportunities to our daughters and sons, a new generation, one that would be eager to speak, and brave enough to not be silenced’.

My mother instilled within me the idea of equality, justice and equal treatment. Although she has had her fair share of influence from the patriarchal society that she was raised in, but that didn’t stop me from seeing beyond and above that. She is one of the many unheard and unknown mothers in Kurdistan.

Mideast Youth interviews Seyran Duran, the chairperson of Kurdistan’s Women Federation in Sweden (یه‌کێتی ژنانی کوردستان له‌ سوید). Ms Seyran is a Kurdish-Swedish who has been living in Sweden as a refugee for most of her life.

Kurdistan’s Women Federation in Sweden (KWf-S) is a non-political, religious-free, and a non-profit organisation that works for the equality between the Kurdish women and men.

The organisation, which operates since 1992, has a lot of goals, among them is to end completely the discrimination and hostility towards foreigners in Sweden, improve the conditions of Kurdish women both in homeland and abroad, integrate the Kurdish women in the Swedish society, fight all forms of patriarchy and violence against women, and also support the struggle of the Kurdish people to achieve their dream of independence.

KWf-S works on different platforms, locally and internationally, to achieve their goals, like collaboration with women and Kurdish organisations around the globe. It organises seminars, demonstrations, and different kinds of projects to enhance the status of Kurdish women in Sweden, which has around 50,000 citizens from Kurdish backgrounds.

KWf-S, which has more than 3,000 members, tries to support the active participation of women to help the Kurdish case positively. Their flyers insist that the union of Kurdistan is essential, because Kurds share one language, ethnicity, history, and future. The organisation doesn’t isolate the full participation and integration of the Kurdish women in the political and social arenas, especially in Sweden which has the third largest Kurdish community in Europe after only Germany and France, from the whole Kurdish case.

KWf-S is considered a nationwide umbrella organisation for Kurdish women in Sweden.

At the end of the podcast, Ms Seyran speaks out her Kurdish dream:

I wish all the Kurds of Turkey, Iran, Iraq, and Syria live in one country together in peace, and all the refugees to return to their homeland, Kurdistan. Bring the Kurds back home!

The interpreter of this podcast is the Swedish friend and activist, Maria Hagberg.

Visit the KWf-S official website here, but please note that it’s only available in Swedish and Kurdish.

Visit the Alliance for Kurdish Rights website, a Mideast Youth project to defend the Kurdish human rights. Watch our video campaigns dedicated to Kurds here and here. Read more about the Kurdish people here. And follow the Alliance for Kurdish Rights on Twitter here.

The campaign is also available in Arabic here.

P.S. Excuse me for the noise in the background.