Needless to say, the issue of what the international community’s response should be to the Syrian uprising has even our brightest political leaders perplexed. The leaders of the main Syrian opposition group, the Syrian National Council, have used this UN meeting to bring out their new found diplomacy skills in full force, demanding that the Security Council pass a resolution condemning Bashar Al-Assad, and demanding some sort of (diplomatic and economic) intervention.

While the focus is on Syria, however, it is the Arab League that has enjoyed the spotlight, as it has formally led the campaign “for” Syria within the international community. US Secretary of State Hillary Clinton has been the most grateful out of anyone for the Arab League’s leadership, and as diplomats have organized further meetings to pass a resolution about Syria, Clinton has continued to parade the Arab League’s initiative as the path that Syrians and the international community should follow. The initiative itself calls for Bashar Al-Assad to step down and relinquish power to one of his vice-Presidents, who will then form a “unity government” within two months. At last, one might say. A specific plan. A path. Maybe one that we can waltz down. Syrians should breathe a sigh of relief.

A proposed UN resolution, then, would throw some support to this Arab League initiative, but the how, where, and why of it has member states quabbling. Russia has stood firm against any explicit calls for Assad to step down, nor would it accept an arms embargo or sanctions of any sort. As it stands, the debate over the resolution will continue into the weekend as Russia attempts to navigate away from calling for “further measures” should Assad fail to comply with the resolution after 21 days. Russia would prefer the word “steps” over “measures”.

And so the waltz music screeches.

Watching this debacle, I don’t know what to think, except that I’m vaguely reminded of the Palestinian bid for statehood in the General Assembly last September. Sure, some action is better than no action, some might say, but is this action actually just spinning us in circles? The United Nations is a corrupt, inept bureacratic system rigidly set up in a way to protect the interests of more powerful nations and preserving the status quo. When Palestine was voted as a state in the General Assembly, Israeli guns did not stop shooting, and Palestinian bodies did not stop suffering. Instead, a specific, PC idea of Palestine led by the Palestinian Authority was oh so graciously allowed to participate in the same system that disenfranchised it to begin with.

That is not waltzing. That is monkey in the middle.

Rather than reassure me that everything will be all right in the end, this recent game of diplomatic charades has me worried about who do these people really think Syria belongs to. The only reason I’m not more worried, is because I know they’re useless. And my worry will begin when anyone thinks that they are of some use. As much as I would appreciate an arms embargo that stops Russia from feeding Bashar’s killing machine, and as much as I want to believe that targeted sanctions will chip away at the regime, I refuse to be the monkey in monkey in the middle and thank everyone for letting me play.

The United Nations, the United States, the Arab League, and the whole damned lot have no interest in the lives of Syrian people, not in Syrian freedom and not in a electrical powerful, free and fair and shouting out loud Syria. When I hear the condemnation of Assad, I know they’re not speaking the same language that I am. They’re not dancing.

It does not matter if Russia rolls over and plays good doggy to American demands. (Seriously though it’d be nice if they stop this whole arming business.) It does not matter if a resolution is passed tomorrow. Syrians are fighting for a new world of possibility, and the United Nations and Arab League are the picture perfect representation of the old one. Whats more, it takes away the emphasis of Syrian liberation belonging in Syrian hands and places the responsibility for ousting Assad on the shoulders of diplomats rather than the shoulders of protesters. The Syrian National Council is the mechanism for which this happens, by making diplomacy and tragedy the public face of the Syrian revolution, rather than grassroots mobilization, individual sacrifice, and a unity among the Syrian people the likes that has never been seen.

Don’t get me wrong, protests alone will not bring down Bashar Al-Assad. But neither will playing games. Although the priority right now must be the downfall of the current regime, Syrians must not allow the current “support” of regimes as corrupt as Bashar’s to influence the creation of our new political consciousness. The debacle at the UN may cause some good, but will definitely cause harm, if Syrians themselves are not the very strong leaders of this very complicated dance.

The involvement of the Arab League, and its recent dispatch of observers to different regions in Syria, have fueled protests throughout the country, including in the Kurdish region. On December 23rd, named “the Friday of the Protocol of Death” in a mockery of the “protocols” that Bashar al Assad supposedly agreed to with the Arab League, Kurdish protesters filled the streets of Qamishlo, waving giant Kurdish flags and Syrian independence flags. This last Friday, the Friday of “God Will Grant Us Victory”, resulted in protests in essentially every Kurdish region of Syria, from Amûdê, Kobanî, Dirbêsî, Hasakeh, Dêrik, Tirbesipî, to Qamişlo.

In this clever protest from Amûdê, a protester dressed as the late Libyan leader Muammar Gadhafi in a mockery of him.

Also in Amûdê, protesters had criticism for both the Syrian regime and for the crimes of Turkey after an air strike killed 35 Kurdish villagers.

The Kurdish cities of Syria have also been enthusiastic participants in the Dignity Strike, which continues to unfold in various stages. In Qamishlo, entire streets have been completely shut down at different points, and even some merchants in Aleppo (which has been the most reluctant city in participating in the protests) shut down their businesses at great risk to themselves, especially in the Kurdish region of Kobanî (Ein al-Arab).

Although Kurds have been enthusiastic participants of the Syrian revolution, the question of the Kurdish role in a future free Syria remains to be seen. The main opposition group, the Syrian National Council, displayed some problematic tendencies in its supposed inclusion of Kurds, including a disturbing statement by SNC president Burhan Ghalioun where he compared Kurds in Syria to immigrants in France. Since then, however, the Syrian National Council has made explicit overtures to Kurdish organizations, including the Kurdish youth organizing committee. The SNC also made a strong statement during its first congress in Tunisia that it will seek constitutional recognition of the national Kurdish identity, and stated that it will seek a democratic resolution to the issue of the denial of Kurdish human rights.

As the Syrian opposition takes shape, a second Kurdish opposition coalition has been formed, explicitly outlining their position on many key issues. Some of their positions are to ensure “dialogue with all Kurdish political powers outside of the coalition, coordination of the efforts to ensure the unity of the Kurds” and “[rejecting] violence and the encouragement of forgiveness, reconciliation, and tolerance among all citizens, as well as respect for all international treaties and conventions, as well as for human rights”.

Protest in support of the Kurdish National Council in Kobanî (Ein al-Arab):

One of the highlights of Kurdish participation in the Syrian revolution has been the emergence and celebration of the Kurdish identity within Syria. Protesters continue to chant in both Kurdish and Arabic, and wave Kurdish and Syrian independence flags. As the regime weakens, Kurdish involvement in a new and free Syria should be of upmost importance.

beautiful hoisted flags in Derbasiyeh sit-in protest

Crowdvoice’s page “Kurdish Protests Against Assad” contains a comprehensive collection of the latest videos, pictures, and blogs from Kurdish protests in Syria.

This post was cross-posted from our website KurdishRights.org. For ongoing updates follow us on Twitter @KurdishRights.

The arrests came under the premise of alleged links to the Union of Committees in Kurdistan (KCK). Turkish “anti-terrorism” police specifically targeted pro-Kurdish media, mainly DIHA and ETHA news agencies, the Özgür Gündem daily newspaper, the Demokratik Modernite magazine and the Gün printing press. Turkish state media alleged that the recent wave of arrests was part of a two year long investigation into the KCK and its members. In addition, French Kurdish photographer Mustafa Ozer, who works for the French news agency Agence France Presse, was detained, smiling as he was carried away by security officers.

This wave of arrests is only the latest in Turkey’s sustained assault against the KCK and all those affiliated with it. The new arrests brings the number of journalists alone in Turkish prisoners over 90, making Turkey one of the worst countries in the world for imprisoning members of the media. Along with journalists, Turkey has been undertaking a systemic campaign of arresting children, activists, academics, politicians, and arguably any other powerful voice of dissent in the country.

Although for the most part Turkey’s unjust actions against the Kurds go unnoticed, the arrest of 40 Kurds, most of whom are journalists, has received some of the criticism is deserves. Hundreds of journalists gathered in Taksim Square in Istanbul to protest the arrests and demand that freedom of the press in Turkey be preserved and protected. “The imprisonment of journalists means the usurpation of our right for information” read the statement released at the demonstration. “We are here today to defend both our colleagues and the right of information.”

In addition, the international organization Reporters Without Borders released a statement saying they were “very concerned” by the latest arrests, and called on the Turkish government and authorities to “stop trying to criminalize journalism, including politically committed journalism.”

The Peace and Democracy Party (BDP) also released a statement, calling on all those who support the right of information and freedom of the press to protest Turkey’s many human rights abuses.

The detention of 40 journalists, all seeking to reveal the same truth about the situation of Kurds in Turkey, is in fact affecting the entire profession of journalism. With 40 less people reporting on Turkey’s marginalization of the Kurdish community, Turkey is further quashing voices of dissent in the name of anti-terrorism and clearing the path for even more human rights abuses in the future.

This article first appeared on our website KurdishRights.org.

SCAF leader Mohammed Tantawi has apparently been looking to Syrian dictator Bashar al Assad for tips on how to suppress peaceful protesters rather than look to Mubarak for a reminder about where he will one day end up. As the violence in Tahrir gets worse, it is highly likely that the on-going elections will no longer satisfy the majority of Egyptians as sufficient progress towards freedom and democracy.

What is clear is that SCAF is a roadblock, not a facilitator, to that freedom, and that all support to SCAF must end so that Egypt’s path forward may be cleared. As a Syrian, I recognize that our own revolution will be severly compromised if our Egyptian brothers and sisters aren’t able to lend us their support as a truly democratic country. As an American, I recognize the crucial role the US plays in supporting SCAF and suppressing true democratic reform in Egypt. All Syrians must recognize the negative role the US plays, and all Americans, especially those in the Occupy Wall Street movement, must make the end of US aid to Egypt a top priority. Not only is the US’s corrupt foreign policy funneling badly needed funds out of the US, but it is also subsidizing the worse brutality and oppression on behalf of the Egyptian military.

Crowdvoice has collected some of the latest videos, pictures, and articles from the latest uprisings in Tahrir. Now more than ever it is important to shed light on the crimes of the Egyptian military, and to spread awareness of the dedication and courage of the Egyptian protesters.

Kuwaiti riot police use water cannons to disperse stateless protesters (AFP, Yasser al-Zayyat).

There are at least 120,000 Bidun jinsiyya (without nationality) in Kuwait today suffering from the lack of human rights. They cannot legally obtain birth, death, marriage or divorce certificates. The same applies to driving licenses, identification cards, and passports. They do not have access to public education, health care, housing or employment. And while they face some of the state’s harshest discrimination policies, they have no recourse to the law and its courts. Simply stated, the Bidun, who are equal to about 10% of the Kuwaiti population, do not exist. They have been dehumanized and rendered invisible by government policies coupled with pervasive social stigmatization.

Last February and March, Hundreds of the stateless community in Kuwait protested demanding their rights of documentation, education, health care, employment, and naturalization. The protests were brutally dispersed by riot police and tens of young men were arrested for a week or so. Riot Police used water cannons, teargas, smoke bombs, and concussion grenades to disperse the protesters. According to Human Rights Watch, over 30 people were injured and 120 were detained by state security in the first day of Bidun protests.

On the 12th of December, the stateless attempted to protest again to state their demands and to show support for those who were going on trials for protesting. Around 31 men were in court for ‘illegal protesting’ and were released as the judge decided to adjourn the case to the 23rd of January. Kuwaiti and stateless activists showed up to the court hearing to show support as the interior ministry refused to give permissions for any sit-ins. Kuwait Human Rights Association issued a statement condemning the trials and stating that the Kuwait constitution grants the rights to peaceful protesting and thus none should be prosecuted. Parliament members did not have a say in this and the only political bloc to have issued a statement in solidarity was the leftist Taqadomi movement. According to their lawyer Mousaed Al-Shammari, the 31 men might get 3 to 5 years jail sentences.

On the 14th, three other stateless men faced another trial for illegal protesting: Abdulhakim Al-Fadhli, Tariq Al-Otaibi, and Ridha Al-Fadhli. On Sunday the 18th, other 45 stateless men will face another trial and this time charged with violence against police men. The charges in the first two trials were submitted by the public prosecution, but in the coming trial, charges were submitted by the state security police. According to Kuwait Human Rights Association’s spokesman Taher Al-Baghli, state police did not charge the stateless for ‘illegal protesting’ only because such a charge will most probably be dismissed by the higher court.

Since the first trial started, the stateless community had several attempts to protest again. Activists tried to get permissions to protest in Erada square, in front of the parliament, where protests took place in the past two months against former prime minister Nasser Al-Mohammed which led to his resignation. The interior ministry refused to give such permission which made some of the stateless protest in their poorly-conditioned areas. The number was not large and protesters left in response to calls from some activists to avoid clashes.

This Friday, as reported by activists, tweeps, and news agencies, riot police used violence against stateless protesters and more than 20 men were arrested, among them two journalists who were later released (Fahad Al-Mayah and Hamad Al-Sharhan). According to a report by AFP: “Kuwaiti riot police used tear gas and water cannons on Friday to scatter hundreds of stateless protesters demanding citizenship. The police sought to break up a crowd of 400 people gathered after noon prayers in Jahra, raising Kuwaiti flags and banners that read: We demand Kuwaiti citizenship.” Stateless activist Mousaed Al-Shammari was reportedly arrested as he was trying to convince protesters to leave. Some wrote that he is now on hunger strike protesting his detention. According to a report by Reuters, there were also minors beaten and arrested in Friday protest.

Zainab is one of Bahrain’s most prominent human rights activists. Throughout her advocacy campaigns, she has never encouraged, partook in or condoned violence. She is however guilty of what appears to be a much larger crime: peacefully demanding her rights. Yesterday afternoon, Zainab began protesting in Budaiya doing exactly that. Her persistence and courage in the face of riot police led to her arrest. The Bahraini government has made it clear, time and again, that they fear Zainab merely for her ongoing bravery in exposing oppression, torture and police brutality. She does this despite threats, constant surveillance and harassment.

It’s worth noting that Zainab’s father, Abdulhadi Alkhawaja, is currently serving a life sentence in prison for a “crime” not that different than what led to Zainab’s arrest yesterday. Her husband is also in prison.

Zainab consistently notes that the real heroes of the Bahrain uprising are those who have paid the price of freedom with their life and blood. Protesters cannot hold funerals for them without being dispersed by tear gas or otherwise met with force. Here is a video showing police ripping off the pictures of such victims:

Tear gas are used in areas where protests are not even taking place yet as a warning sign not to engage in any:

Tear gas in Bani Jamrah

Al Deer village

Abu Saiba

More tear gas in Abu Saiba

These are all evidence of abuse and must serve as a prime example of the Bahraini government’s grave injustices that remain unpunished. We must work together to free our activists so that they may continue telling their stories.

CrowdVoice has been curating images and videos of frequent arrests as well as evidence of abuse and tear gas in daily protests, primarily throughout Bahrain’s villages. CrowdVoice is one of many sites censored in Bahrain since the 17th of February for coverage of the country’s police brutality – in addition to the many sites that have been censored since many years for providing alternative outlets for political expression.

After nine months of brutality and a conservative death toll at 5,000, Syrians are still congregating and protesting in the usual manner, but the local coordinating committees have brought out a new tool for the revolution, one that may very well prove to be the peaceful mortal blow to the regime.

The LCCs have outlined the six different phases of the Strike for Dignity, or Karameh Strike, meant to gradually bring people together in shutting down all of Syria and paralyzing every apparatus of the regime. The LLC site outlined the general stages of the strike:

Stage One: closing sub-lanes, sit-down strike (showing up to work & refuse to perform any tasks), turn off cell phones between 2-6 PM
Stage Two: closing all stores and shops
Stage Three: Universities’ strike
Stage Four: Transportation strike and the closer of all major road and highways between cities
Stage Five: Government’s employees strike
Stage Six: Closing all international roads and highways

The first phase of the Karameh Strike, or Strike for Dignity, began on December 11th after activists in Syria had called for a nation-wide general strike from the hours of 8:00 AM to 2:00 PM. This was the first stage of the strike, which was unique in that it was the first country-wide organized general strike, motivated by the success of multiple local strikes from throughout the revolution. The strike shut down cities all over Syria, including in some parts of Damascus and Aleppo. In cities like Daraa, regime thugs reacted violently, destroying businesses and threatening owners who refused to open.

Today marks the second stage of the strike. More stores closing, and the first attempts to shut down streets. The LCCs have even coordinated a nation-wide strategy for doing so, to block, run and repeat. So far, every major city has reported at least some participation. Just like the protests themselves, the strike will not be an instantaneous phenomena, but will gradually gain more and more supporters. Just like how youtube slowly filled with videos of protests, it will slowly fill with videos of businesses completely shut down, of streets blocked, of school abandoned, and not just in Homs and Daraa, but in Damascus and Aleppo as well.

The Strike for Dignity is not just a set of actions, or of important days. It is not just a method for bringing down the regime. It is the beginning of a new Syria, and the means through which all Syrians will create a national consciousness of solidarity, of entitlement to their political rights, and of a constant dedication to justice. Every video made by Syrians urging them to take part in the strike is another act of brotherhood and sisterhood, and ever person who responds to that video is taking their place as an agent of change. The very concept of peaceful civil disobedience and of agency in our own self-determination is being birthed with every stage of the strike, and these will not go away once the regime of Bashar Al Assad falls. After 40 years of tyranny, Syrians are teaching each other how to be free.

The Syrian revolution is more than the violence. It is more than the political games being played by the United Nations, Russia, the West, the Arab League. It is about human beings, strong proud Syrians, taking hold of their futures and demanding hope and change.

Support the strike for dignity, and support Syria.

General Mobilization, a call from Doustourna:

“Doustourna, we’re from the street and we’ll come back to it”

Political activists from Doustourna have called via facebook to a “General Mobilization” in front of the National Constituent Assembly on December 30 from 9 a.m. to midday to criticize the draft law providing for the provisional organisation of the public authorities presented by the the majority tripartite coalition, which comprises Ennahdha Movement, the Congress for the Republic party and the Democratic Forum for Labour and Liberties. The sit-in actually continues until this minute. According to Doustourna, this draft law will re-establish dictatorship bcause of the following reasons:

- The powers of the prime minister are absolute and illimited (The Prime Ministeris from Ennahdha party).

- The powers of the president of the republic are very limited.

- The referundum on the constitution was not mentioned.

The goals of the “General Mobilization” and the continuing Occupy Bardo are mainly:

-  The seperation between the three powers.

-   50%+1 are necessary to nominate the three presidents (the president of the Assembly, the president of the republic and the president of the government)

-  The adoption of each article of the constitution requires a two-third majority

-  A two-third majority is necessary for the ratification of the constitution in case of a second reading.

- Insertion of the Code of Personal Status in the constitution

- Members of the Constituent Assembly should not hold positions in the government.

-  Live broadcast of the negotiations of the Constituent Assembly.

- 50%+1 votes are necessary to grant and repeal confidence from the government (the draft proposes 50+1 to grant confidence and 2/3 to repeal it.)

- Bringing killers of martyrs to court without delay.

- Granting the injured of the revolution their rights.

- Giving unemployed people from Gafsa priority over others concerning job opportunities in the field of phosphate.
- The independence of the judiciary

Representatives of the political parties and components of civil society as well as thousands of citizens are occping Bardo.

The Salafists Sit-in at the Faculty of Arts and Humanities of Manouba, Tunis prompts a reaction on the part of Bardo secularist sit-inners:

Salafist students have been holding a sit-in in the Faculty of Arts and Humanities in Manouba, Tunis, since Monday, December 28 after a girl wearing niqab was prevented from sitting for the exam. Lessons were suspended and other students prevented from sitting for their exams. The number of girls wearing the full-face veil are 3 out of 40,000 students. Salafist students have been camping out in front of the Dean’s offic who said he was held hostage all night on the first day of the sit-in. Salafist students asked for the right of girls wearing the niqab tobe enrolled at universities and to sit for exams. They also asked for a prayer room at university and no gender mixing in classrooms. The last demand which challenges a whole tradition of education in Tunisia was denied later on. The Dean affirmed that he had been physically abused on Wednesday after salafists broke into the universities despite suspending lectures.

In response to violence against the Dean, university teachers, students, political parties representatives, trade unionists and citizens rallied in front of the Constituent Assembly in Bardo on Thursday, December 1, to add other demands to those claimed by the sit-inners. They emphasized the importance of respecting academics, separating between powers and not between genders and denounced extremism.

Testimony of a student who witnessed violence at the Faculty of Manouba and took part in the Bardo sit-in (Video shot in December 1)

The protest was an action part of the general strike decided by the General Higher Education and Scientific Research Federation stemming from the Tunisian General Labour Union, following the violence against the Dean of the Faculty of Manouba.

Among the sit-inners who were camping out in front of the Constituent Assembly, a number of citizens has come from the Gafsa, the Mining Basin to claim their right to work and denounce the maldistribution of wealth. Citizens also demounced mixing religion in politics and education which distracts Tunisians from the real issues such as employment, the independence of the judiciary and the injured of the revolution.

The Commission on public authorities’ provisional organisation had adopted, on December 2, the draft law providing for the provisional organisation of the public authorities after some amendments that increased the prerogatives of the President of the Republic and reduced those of the Prime Minister. The amendments also ensured the adoption of the country’s new constitution with a two-third majority by the National constituent Assembly or else a referendum would be held.

Islmists pour to Bardo

On Saturday, December 3, thousands of islamists and secularists held parallel protests as islamists and salafists poured in hundreds to Bardo in answer to the sit-in in which has been staged there since Wednesday. They claimed that the people wanted an Islamic regime and that the Bardo sit-inners should accept the will of Tunisians who have elected the only religious Tunisian party Ennahdha in a relative majority and respect Islam which is the religion of the vast majority. Islamists waved Ennahda flags and black banners of the Salafist Hizb Tahrir which did not get a licence and did not take part in the elections held on October 23. Islamists asserted that secularist governments in Tunisia never gave them the full right to exercise the Islamic faith in total freedom and claimed the right to niqab for girls. They considered the attempt to ban the niqab at university to be much similar to Ben Ali’s ban of the hijab (the veil) in public places.

The Bardo sit-in is continuing. Keep up with all the developments and lively discussions on the ground via this live channel.

Yesterday’s parliamentary elections in Egypt is a case in point. Certainly, there was a sense of hope written on the faces of Egyptians who voted, as perhaps a first step in reclaiming their country. But who did they vote for? Undoubtedly, the Muslim Brotherhood will garner a strong position in the new government. But does that necessarily mean an end to democracy even before it starts?

It came as a surprise to some to find out that in recent months, the Muslim Brotherhood has advocated strongly on behalf of foreign investment in Egypt, and on behalf of job creation. Even though there are fears in the air that women’s rights are in danger, and that a return to religious fundamentalism is in the offing, still, the Brotherhood, at least for now, doesn’t seem to dwell on such things, but focuses its rhetoric on jobs. Is this just a ploy to win elections, or is it the real deal?

There is no doubt that ordinary people on the streets of Cairo, and throughout the region, yearn for many of the same things that are sought after the world over, like freedom, dignity and economic security. It would seem to make sense, therefore, that these causes should be at the heart of any successful political campaign, even campaigns conducted by those with leanings toward religious fundamentalism. In other words, to the extent that the people on the street are deeply committed to such things as freedom, democracy and jobs, then to that extent, any political party, regardless of its ideological inclinations, will have no choice but to speak about, and deliver on, the causes which are most important to the people, in order to win elections, and most importantly, to win hearts and minds.

That, at least, is the hope for the revolution that some call the Arab Awakening.

Of course, there are no guarantees, especially when you’re talking about political revolutions. In fact, most times things go badly, before getting any better. But there are things, three things in particular, that may help to move a revolution in the right direction, in a direction that is in line with the aspirations of the people.

The first thing that can help bring success to a revolution is to embrace a vision, a vision of hope, that calls for change which is positive, realistic and attainable. For example, if it is freedom and jobs you want, then advocate on behalf of these, because they are within the realm of possibility. And in fact, personal freedom and job creation go hand in hand. Any regime which strives for economic growth and job creation in this globalized world of ours, will  have no choice but to allow some measure of freedom, as a way of instilling a sense of trust among prospective investors. These freedoms may be limited somewhat, as in the case of China, but greater openness is indispensable to economic growth.

The second factor that helps to bring success to a revolution is to bring life to a vision of hope using the right tactics, and this involves a strategy of non-violence. You don’t want to demonize certain individuals, or certain groups, because this will cause such groups to retreat into their own corners, in preparation for civil war. You want to be inclusive of all people, and advocate on behalf of a vision which is welcoming to all, and which inspires everyone to come together in common purpose. And you want your voice to be heard throughout the land, while shying away from violence, even in the face of violent attacks by the opposition, which for the most part has been the case in places like Egypt and Tunisia. Syria is another matter, but the violence there by the government is so overwhelming, that some violent resistance is inevitable.

The third, and perhaps paramount aspect of a successful revolution is to pick leaders in the mold of visionaries like Gandhi, King and Mandela, who inspired their people, and who used non-violence to give substance to the aspirations of the people. They were not motivated by revenge. Gandhi could have turned the people against the British, but he didn’t. King had reason to turn against his country, but he didn’t. And Mandela could have launched a campaign to turn against the whites, and confiscate their property, but he didn’t. Instead, these leaders chose a different path: to advocate on behalf a vision of hope, to give substance to their vision using non-violent means, to be all-inclusive in their approach, and to deliver on promises made so as to give hope for a better future.

The Arab Awakening is at a crossroads. We can become entrenched ideologically, and consolidate political power by demonizing one another. Or we can choose instead to embrace a vision of hope, and deliver on that promise with real change, change that capture hearts and minds, and that gives life to the aspirations of the people. The choice is ours and everything we love and hold dear hangs in the balance.

Please visit us at www.sellingavisionofhope.org

Yes, we do. We support the Syrian people and their righteous uprising against tyranny. Why do we? Because despite the fact that we are permanent neighbors, we suffered the same pain they have. We, as some students from the American University in Iraq-Sulaiamani, believe that all people around the world are in need of a better world, especially in our region. This is a good opportunity to start what should have started many years –or centuries- ago. That’s why this Thursday, we’ll gather to protest against the brutality of the Syrian regime. We want to tell the Syrians, yes we feel your pain which gives birth to a new era, and we’ll support you until this new era comes into reality.

Shalaw Fatah
Senior of International Studies, AUIS